scholarly journals School-Based Practices for the 21st Century: Noncognitive Factors in Student Learning and Psychosocial Outcomes

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-51
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Frank

Noncognitive skills—such as motivation, perseverance, social abilities, and self-control—drive long-term student success in school and in life. Although recognized as an important causal factor in student success, these skills show considerable variability in how much time and financial resources schools invest developing them. The Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) now requires states to include at least one nonacademic measure in their student accountability system and funding the implementation of new models to support student learning. We review the evidence for several malleable noncognitive skills that benefit student learning and long-term psychosocial outcomes. We recommend educational stakeholders take advantage of the increased flexibility ESSA provides to cultivate noncognitive skills that yield meaningful long-term educational, economic, and social benefits for students.

Author(s):  
Ross Markle ◽  
Samuel H. Rikoon

Noncognitive skills are a rather popular topic in higher education today. Factors such as “grit,” “character,” and “growth mindset” are an increasing part of many student success efforts. This chapter will discuss several issues related to noncognitive factors, seeking to bridge the gap from research to practice. First, we will review various ways in which the noncognitive space has been defined. Second, we will review research supporting the relevance of noncognitive variables in higher education, including their espoused importance, empirical relationships with student outcomes, and finally, evidence that such factors can serve a somewhat compensatory role for many students. Third, we will provide an overview of methods of assessing noncognitive tools, particularly within a context of student retention and success. Finally, we will review common practices to implementing noncognitive factors in student success strategies, including holistic placement, enhanced student advising, and other interventions focused directly on the development of noncognitive skills.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1356336X2110031
Author(s):  
Tan Zhang

The purpose of this study was to reveal the work life of physical educators who were experiencing a teacher accountability system in the US. A combination of stratified and purposeful sampling procedures was adopted to select a sample of schools that served communities with various socioeconomic backgrounds. The schools were recently incorporated in a state teacher accountability system that used student learning growth for teacher evaluation. A group of 51 certified physical educators was selected from the sampled schools. Data were collected from three sources: an online survey, in-school observations, and semi-structured interviews. The survey and observations cross-validated data related to job description, workload, general working environment, and demographic information. The interviews detailed the teachers’ accounts about their work life, perceptions of the job demands, and resources under the teacher accountability system. Inductive analysis revealed that the lack of critical job resources, especially curricular supports, equipment, and professional development, limited the teachers from promoting student learning that the teacher accountability system required. Teachers were subjected to immense job demands, specifically a large body of content knowledge to teach with shrinking instruction time and ambiguous role. They also felt pressured to incorporate reading, writing, and mathematics in physical education lessons with little or no curricular support. For teachers to teach physical education successfully in this accountability context, systemic changes are needed to provide teachers with adequate professional development and curricular resources to promote learning in physical education.


Author(s):  
L. M. E. van Erp ◽  
H. Maurice-Stam ◽  
L. C. M. Kremer ◽  
W. J. E. Tissing ◽  
H. J. H. van der Pal ◽  
...  

Abstract Purpose This study aimed to increase our understanding of the psychosocial well-being of young adult childhood cancer survivors (YACCS) as well as the positive and negative impacts of cancer. Methods YACCS (aged 18–30, diagnosed ≤ 18, time since diagnosis ≥ 5 years) cross-sectionally filled out the “Pediatric Quality of Life Inventory Young Adults” (PedsQL-YA), “Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale” (HADS), and “Checklist Individual Strengths” (CIS-20R) to measure fatigue and survivor-specific “Impact of Cancer - Childhood Survivors” (IOC-CS), which measures the long-term impact of childhood cancer in several domains. Descriptive statistics (IOC-CS), logistic regression (HADS, CIS-20R), and ANOVA (PedsQL-YA, HADS, CIS-20R) were performed. Associations between positive and negative impacts of childhood cancer and psychosocial outcomes were examined with linear regression analyses. Results YACCS (N = 151, 61.6% female, mean age 24.1 ± 3.6, mean time since diagnosis 13.6 ± 3.8) reported lower HRQOL (− .4 ≤ d ≤ − .5, p ≤ .001) and more anxiety (d = .4, p ≤ .001), depression (d = .4, p ≤ .01), and fatigue (.3 ≤ d ≤ .5, p ≤ .001) than young adults from the general Dutch population. They were at an increased risk of experiencing (sub)clinical anxiety (OR = 1.8, p = .017). YACCS reported more impact on scales representing a positive rather than negative impact of CC. Various domains of impact of childhood cancer were related to psychosocial outcomes, especially “Life Challenges” (HRQOL β = − .18, anxiety β = .36, depression β = .29) and “Body & Health” (HRQOL β = .27, anxiety β = − .25, depression β = − .26, fatigue β = − .47). Conclusion YACCS are vulnerable to psychosocial difficulties, but they also experience positive long-term impacts of childhood cancer. Positive and negative impacts of childhood cancer were associated with psychosocial outcomes in YACCS. Screening of psychosocial outcomes and offering targeted interventions are necessary to optimize psychosocial long-term follow-up care for YACCS.


2021 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 60e-67e ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison C. Hu ◽  
Nirbhay S. Jain ◽  
Candace H. Chan ◽  
Sri Harshini Malapati ◽  
Brian N. Dang ◽  
...  

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 318-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eli Tsukayama ◽  
Angela Lee Duckworth ◽  
Betty Kim

We propose a model of impulsivity that predicts both domain–general and domain–specific variance in behaviours that produce short–term gratification at the expense of long–term goals and standards. Specifically, we posit that domain–general impulsivity is explained by domain–general self–control strategies and resources, whereas domain–specific impulsivity is explained by how tempting individuals find various impulsive behaviours, and to a lesser extent, in perceptions of their long–term harm. Using a novel self–report measure, factor analyses produced six (non–exhaustive) domains of impulsive behaviour (Studies 1–2): work, interpersonal relationships, drugs, food, exercise and finances. Domain–general self–control explained 40% of the variance in domain–general impulsive behaviour between individuals, reffect = .71. Domain–specific temptation ( reffect = .83) and perceived harm ( reffect = −.26) explained 40% and 2% of the unique within–individual variance in impulsive behaviour, respectively (59% together). In Study 3, we recruited individuals in special interest groups (e.g. procrastinators) to confirm that individuals who are especially tempted by behaviours in their target domain are not likely to be more tempted in non–target domains. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Hayden

Self-control refers to the ability to deliberately reject tempting options and instead select ones that produce greater long-term benefits. Although some apparent failures of self-control are, on closer inspection, reward maximizing, at least some self-control failures are clearly disadvantageous and non-strategic. The existence of poor self-control presents an important evolutionary puzzle because there is no obvious reason why good self-control should be more costly than poor self-control. After all, a rock is infinitely patient. I propose that self-control failures result from cases in which well-learned (and thus routinized) decision making strategies yield suboptimal choices. These mappings persist in the decision-makers’ repertoire because they result from learning processes that are adaptive in the broader context, either on the timescale of learning or of evolution. Self-control, then, is a form of cognitive control and the subjective feeling of effort likely reflects the true costs of cognitive control. Poor self-control, in this view, is ultimately a result of bounded optimality.


2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katja Kokko ◽  
Lars R. Bergman ◽  
Lea Pulkkinen

The main aim of the present study was to test a model of selection into long-term unemployment obtained for a sample of 36-year-old Finns (Kokko, Pulkkinen, & Puustinen, 2000) to see whether it similarly explained long-term unemployment among 26- to 27-year-old Finns and Swedes. The participants were drawn from two ongoing longitudinal studies: the Jyväskylä Longitudinal Study of Personality and Social Development (conducted in Finland) and the Individual Development and Adaptation study (conducted in Sweden). At both ages, that is 36 and 26–27, low education was related to long-term unemployment, and explained by personality characteristics in middle childhood, such as low self-control of emotions or conduct problems, and behavioural inhibition or timidity. However, while low self-control of emotions additionally explained long-term unemployment among the 36-year-olds directly, in both the young samples personality characteristics showed only indirect effects through poor educational attainment. At age 26–27, childhood personality characteristics explained selection onto an educational track rather than selection into long-term unemployment, and length of education explained duration of unemployment.


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