scholarly journals The political institutionalization of the social economy in Ecuador: Indigeneity and institutional logics

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Calvo ◽  
Stephen Syrett ◽  
Andres Morales
Keyword(s):  
Social Economy ◽  
Institutional Logics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Primary Research ◽  
Indigenous Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
State And Market ◽  
Development Paths ◽  
Over Time

How differing social economy traditions within the global South can combine with state and market sectors to provide alternative development paths has increasingly become a focus of political and policy debate. This paper uses an institutional logics perspective to analyse the interaction between indigenous collective traditions and other institutional logics in Ecuador’s social economy. Results demonstrate how indigenous practice has interacted with other social economy elements to produce novel organizational and institutional forms. Findings from original primary research identify processes of co-existence, accommodation and conflict in the interaction of differing institutional civil society, state and market logics and the institutionalization of the social economy. Critically, processes of conflict generated by contradictory logics have over time helped close down many of the new political spaces, limiting the ongoing inclusion of indigenous institutions and the ability to construct an alternative, pluralistic path to development.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Social ◽  
Fundamental Challenge ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter gives introduces the gilet jaunes. The gilets jaunes, a group of French protesters named after their iconic yellow vests donned during demonstrations, have formed a new type of social movement. The gilets jaunes have been variously interpreted since they began their occupation of French roundabouts. They were at first received with enthusiasm on the right of the French political establishment, and with caution on the left. The fourth weekend saw scenes of violence erupt on the Champs Élysées, notably around and within the Arc de Triomphe, which towers over the first roundabout built in France. The headlines of newspapers and stories of the news media became almost exclusively focused on the violence of the protests. Images of state violence became ever-present on Twitter and independent media outlets, making it clear that it was the use of disproportionate force by police units that was at the centre of the events. The chapter explains that the aim of the book is to show that the use of violence is not the only tale to be told about the role of the protesters in the contemporary French context. Their contribution to the political landscape of France is quite different. They have provided a fundamental challenge to the social contract in France, the implicit pact between the governed and their political leaders. The movement has seen the numbers of participants diminish over time, but the underlying tension between the haves and the have-nots, the winners of globalization and those at risk of déclassement [social downgrading], are enduring and persistent.

The Social Roles of Polish Sociologists after 1945

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-765
Author(s):  
Joanna Bielecka-Prus
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Socialist Country ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Heterogeneous Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Over Time

Abstract In this article I discuss the social roles of Polish sociologists in the period between 1945 and 1989. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group representing various attitudes towards the political system. Over time, they defined their intellectual role in public discourse differently. This picture remains incomplete without consideration of some crucial aspects: whether there were ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime; and the techniques used for evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The analysis is based on my comments of well-known sociologists published in the press and in books. Issues discussed include the function of sociology, the role of sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.

scholarly journals Aluta continua: Accountability and the Domestic Violence Act, 116 of 1998

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Vetten
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Limited Capacity ◽  
Institutional Authority ◽  
Unique System ◽  
The Social ◽  
Over Time

In 1998, in an attempt to undo the long-standing neglect of domestic violence,  legislators placed a set of duties on the police in relation to domestic violence and coupled these with a unique system of accountability relations and practices. This articles examines the effect of these in three ways:review both of complaints of misconduct, as well as the station audits conducted in terms of the Domestic Violence Act's prescripts, and analysis of the workings of the Act's accountability mechanisms over time. This shows the Act's system of accountability to have had some success in making domestic violence a policing priority. But this has taken a number of years of interaction across the domains of the political, legal, bureaucratic and the social to accomplish. On this account accountability reveals itself to be a contingent outcome and practice that also takes different forms at different times. It also remains an ambivalent undertaking in relation to domestic violence. While answers may be demanded of the police, oversight of these responses is lodged with an agency possessing limited capacity and weak institutional authority.

scholarly journals How fast societies reach consensus over elections?: a methodology to study the evolution of Twitter conversations before election day

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Cárdenas-Sánchez ◽  
Andrés Miguel Sampayo ◽  
Maykol Rodríguez-Prieto ◽  
Alejandro Feged-Rivadeneira
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Consensus Model ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Technological Developments ◽  
Political Landscapes ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Technological developments in media and communications such as press, radio, and television have disrupted electoral processes and reshaped political landscapes. Similarly, the development of surveys enabled the social sciences to study the voting processes and measure consensus in a population prior to democratic elections. Literature on social networks and elections has focused on predicting electoral outcomes rather than understanding how the discussions between users evolve over time. As a result most studies focus on a single election and few comparative studies exist. In this article, a methodology to analyze Twitter conversations about election candidates is proposed. Using DeGroot’s consensus model-an assumption that all users are attempting to persuade others to talk about a candidate-the methodology allows to identify the structure and strength of connections of the mention networks on each month prior to an election day. It also helps to make comparisons between elections and identify patterns on different contexts. In the end, an analysis on the elections where the incumbent was running and the political regime is presented.

scholarly journals Outsiders Within: Framing and Regulation of Headscarves in France, Germany and The Netherlands

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 029-039 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doutje Lettinga ◽  
Sawitri Saharso
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Islamic Headscarf ◽  
National Differences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Over Time

While women in Europe who wear the Islamic headscarf are generally seen as outsiders who do not belong to the nation, some countries are more tolerant towards the wearing of headscarves than others. France, Germany and the Netherlands have developed different policies regarding veiling. In this paper we describe how headscarves became regulated in each of these countries and discuss the ways in which French, Dutch and German politicians have deliberated the issue. The paper is based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates on veiling in France (1989–2007), Germany (1997–2007) and the Netherlands (1985–2007). Our aim is to discuss what these national political debates reveal about the way in which the social inclusion of Islamic women in (or rather exclusion from) the nation is perceived in these three countries. Our claim is that veiling arouses opposition because it challenges national self-understandings. Yet, because nations have different histories of nation building, these self-understandings are challenged in various ways and hence, governments have responded to headscarves with diverse regulation. While we did find national differences, we also discovered that the political debates in the three countries are converging over time. The trend is towards increasingly gendered debates and more restrictive headscarf policies. This, we hypothesize, is explained by international polarization around Islam and the strength of the populist anti-immigrant parties across Europe.

scholarly journals The Misericórdias as Social Economy Entities in Portugal and Spain

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Antonio José Macías Ruano ◽  
José Ramos Pires Manso ◽  
Jaime de Pablo Valenciano ◽  
María Esther Marruecos Rumí
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Care ◽  
Social Economy ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
Portuguese Empire ◽  
Care Services ◽  
The Social ◽  
Legal Structures ◽  
Late Fifteenth ◽  
Over Time

Las Santas Casas de Misericórdias (The Holy Houses of Mercy) are institutions of Portuguese origin that emerged in the late fifteenth century and that, over time, have expanded beyond the territories of the Portuguese Empire, including to Spain, where various Casas de Misericordia were created in their image and with similar purposes to the original. The Misericórdias continue to be relevant and present throughout Portugal, in various decolonized countries of the former Portuguese Empire, and in other territories that have been influenced by Portuguese emigration, and have always played an important role in the social care of citizens. In Spain, the Santas Casas de Misericordia do not have the same long history, nor the same social relevance as their Portuguese counterparts. However, even today, there are some Casas de Misericordia in Spain that provide social care services, having adopted various legal structures such as foundations, associations, and public entities.

scholarly journals Law and Politics Reconsidered: A New Constitutional History of Dred Scott

2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (03) ◽  
pp. 747-785
Author(s):  
Gerald Leonard
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Constitutional History ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Dred Scott ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Higher Purpose ◽  
Over Time

This essay synthesizes recent writing on the constitutional history of slavery, featuring Mark Graber's Dred Scott and the Problem of Constitutional Evil (2006). It offers a historical and legal analysis of Dred Scott that attempts to clarify the roles of both law and politics in controversial judicial decisions. It joins Graber in rehabilitating Chief Justice Taney's Dred Scott opinion as a plausible implementation of a Constitution that was born in slavery and grew only more suffused with slavery over time. It integrates much recent writing on the social, political, and constitutional history of slavery to develop the context in which the Dred Scott opinions must be read. And it finds that Justice Curtis's celebrated dissent amounted to an unjudicial manipulation of the law, albeit for the higher purpose of striking at the political hegemony of the slaveholding class. This essay is an abridgement of a longer work (Leonard 2009) that offers, among other things, further analysis of the unjudicial character of Curtis's dissent.

Elmina and Greater Asante in the nineteenth century

Africa ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry W. Yarak
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Studies ◽  
Change Over Time ◽  
Alternative Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
Over Time

Opening ParagraphOne of the more interesting historiographical debates that emerged in the course of the great burst of research into Akan (actually primarily Asante) history during the 1950s and 1960s concerned the ‘structure’ of the Asante empire, or ‘Greater Asante’ as one of the contributors to the debate, Kwame Arhin, has termed it (Arhin, 1967). The debates have largely been informed by a synchronic, ‘centrist’ approach; that is, by an approach that views the imperial structure at a given point in time, and primarily from the perspective of the political centre, the capital town of Kumase. The 1970s have seen a proliferation of regional studies of the Akan and their neighbours, and so it is perhaps time to reopen the debate on the nature of the Asante imperial order from a broader perspective, one that is both more sensitive to change over time and includes the emerging views from the periphery (see, for example, Berberich, 1974; Case, 1979; Ferguson, 1972; Greene, 1981; Haight, 1981; Handloff, 1982; Sanders, 1980; Weaver, 1975; Yarak, 1976). The present paper first briefly sketches the social and political setting in nineteenth-century Elmina (εdena), then critically reviews the historiographical debate over the structure of Greater Asante, and lastly offers an alternative approach to the study of Greater Asante based on a case study of the history of Asante relations with Elmina.

scholarly journals Aluta continua: Accountability and the Domestic Violence Act, 116 of 1998

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa VETTEN
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Limited Capacity ◽  
Institutional Authority ◽  
Unique System ◽  
The Social ◽  
Over Time

In 1998, in an attempt to undo the long-standing neglect of domestic violence,  legislators placed a set of duties on the police in relation to domestic violence and coupled these with a unique system of accountability relations and practices. This articles examines the effect of these in three ways:review both of complaints of misconduct, as well as the station audits conducted in terms of the Domestic Violence Act's prescripts, and analysis of the workings of the Act's accountability mechanisms over time. This shows the Act's system of accountability to have had some success in making domestic violence a policing priority. But this has taken a number of years of interaction across the domains of the political, legal, bureaucratic and the social to accomplish. On this account accountability reveals itself to be a contingent outcome and practice that also takes different forms at different times. It also remains an ambivalent undertaking in relation to domestic violence. While answers may be demanded of the police, oversight of these responses is lodged with an agency possessing limited capacity and weak institutional authority.

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