Coercion and Enterprise in the Provision of Environmental Public Goods: The Case of Carbon Sequestration in the United States

Author(s):  
Kenneth Richards
Author(s):  
LISELOTTE ODGAARD ◽  
SVEN BISCOP

This chapter considers the EU's ambition to enmesh China in a system of effective multilateralism in pursuit of global public goods. It notes that China's position on both multilateralism and universal goods to be contingent: China favours these engagements and goals to the extent that they restrain and commit others, but is much more conservative if they require restraint or commitment on its own part. China's reservations derive mostly from the behaviour of the United States: if the world's predominant military and economic power is a contingent multilateralist, can the rising power of China do otherwise? Until there is more evidence to the contrary, this chapter concludes that China's commitment to multilateralism cannot form a ‘reliable basis for long-term EU policy planning towards China’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1281-1303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla Norrlöf

Abstract COVID-19 is the most invasive global crisis in the postwar era, jeopardizing all dimensions of human activity. By theorizing COVID-19 as a public bad, I shed light on one of the great debates of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries regarding the relationship between the United States and liberal international order (LIO). Conceptualizing the pandemic as a public bad, I analyze its consequences for US hegemony. Unlike other international public bads and many of the most important public goods that make up the LIO, the COVID-19 public bad not only has some degree of rivalry but can be made partially excludable, transforming it into more of a club good. Domestically, I demonstrate how the failure to effectively manage the COVID-19 public bad has compromised America's ability to secure the health of its citizens and the domestic economy, the very foundations for its international leadership. These failures jeopardize US provision of other global public goods. Internationally, I show how the US has already used the crisis strategically to reinforce its opposition to free international movement while abandoning the primary international institution tasked with fighting the public bad, the World Health Organization (WHO). While the only area where the United States has exercised leadership is in the monetary sphere, I argue this feat is more consequential for maintaining hegemony. However, even monetary hegemony could be at risk if the pandemic continues to be mismanaged.


Tellus B ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 232-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Turner ◽  
Greg J. Koerper ◽  
Mark E. Harmon ◽  
Jeffrey J. Lee

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (01) ◽  
pp. 141-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitai Etzioni

AbstractTo establish the scope and level of corruption in the contemporary United States, a collaborative project of political scientists is needed. Such a study should start with explicating the definition of corruption various scholars use. Three are noted here: using public goods for personal gains, deflecting public goods to private groups, and making such moves when these are legal although they are still illicit. To assess corruption on these levels, we must consider that various forms that “capture” takes beyond the corruption of the laws themselves. A study of the major differences in the level of corruption among the three branches of government may improve our understanding of the prevalence and causes of corruption. A study of “rent” may help predict that future course of corruption. Other topics whose study warrants collaborative investigation are listed.


Author(s):  
Vitalina Butkaliuk

The article is devoted to the study of the state and dynamics of socio-economic inequality in the modern world in the context of economic globalization. Based on the analysis of foreign and domestic literature, as well as large statistical and sociological information, the author argues that the implementation of neoliberal reforms has become a key factor in increasing inequality both globally and within individual countries, regardless of their level of development. The author pays special attention to public opinion research in the US and Ukraine on social inequality, social justice and the distribution of public goods. By showing that in both the most developed capitalist country, the United States, and in the "transitional" post-Soviet Ukraine, the majority of the population critically evaluates existing systems of distribution of public goods and advocates the transition to more egalitarian models of social development. In the United States, the most critical to the system of distribution of public goods in the country are such groups as the youth, the poorest segment of the people, the sympathizers of the Democratic Party and the liberals. With regard to Ukrainians, was found the connection between assessing the fairness of the current system and age, education, region of residence, and the level of respondents' income. Most critically, it is estimated by the elderly, the respondents with the lowest levels of education, the residents of the South of country and the people with the lowest income. The rise of inequality and, as a consequence, the conflict and tensions in the world, the radicalization and aggravation of the political situation are the key features of the modern neoliberal order. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth may lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth would lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals.


Author(s):  
Dan Sinykin

Leslie Marmon Silko’s Almanac of the Dead describes characters struggling to survive amid the wreckage of finance and neoliberalism in the borderlands between the United States and Mexico. These characters live according to scripts provided for them, above all, by “human capital,” the neoliberal concept that people are inseparable from the knowledge, skills, health, and values that comprise their market value or capacity to earn. Characters extend the logic of privatizing public goods to its limit: they monetize state policing (via insurance); human bodies (via black markets); torture (via snuff films); suicide (via art). In the tradition of syncretic indigenous apocalypticism, best known through the Ghost Dance religion, Silko imagines the novel’s eponymous almanac as an enigmatic indigenous object that incites the apocalypse and prepares a life after neoliberalism.


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