Philip Jaisohn, the Political Evangelist, 1896–98

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Young-Chan Choi
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The West ◽  
Individual Property ◽  
Conceptual Aspect ◽  
Ideological Resources ◽  
The Right

Abstract The objective of this article is twofold: first to argue that Philip Jaisohn, upon his return from the United States to Korea in 1896, sought to subvert, if not overthrow, the monarchical government, and second, to argue that Jaisohn drew on specifically Christian intellectual and ideological resources to articulate his arguments. The rhetoric of loyalty, love, lawful resistance, private property, and slavery are, as such, in need of analysis through the Protestant conceptual prism. Previous studies analyzing modern political thought have focused on the nature of translation from the West; this study focuses on the conceptual aspect of the political language Jaisohn introduced in order to effect revolutionary changes in the popular vernacular. His goal was not just to present resistance against the incumbent governing authority as morally defensible, but to frame it in terms of the right of individual property. Finally the article suggests avenues through which religious thinking affected the reception and dissemination of Western political thought in Korea, and concludes by reflecting on the relevance of religious thought in the analysis of modern Korean political thought.

The Cultural Soil of Organic Farming

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Organic Farming ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Building Blocks ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Biological Farming

The movement to maintain the influence of the countryside and of farmers in particular dominated political thought in England and the United States throughout most of the nineteenth century, and still influenced millions into the mid-twentieth century. Aspects of agrarianism, romantic farm literature, and its many variants on the continent of Europe—including biodynamics and German biological farming—all can be seen as building blocks that merged with the organic farming protocols pioneered by Albert Howard (discussed further in later chapters). The reaction against industrialism must be understood as both a cultural and a political movement. This explains why—though socialist and leftist thinkers of all stripes also shared agrarian ideals—the main arguments against the effects of industrialism were from those on the right of the political spectrum.

Choice in the West

1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Working Out

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.

scholarly journals Fascism: Left, Right, or Neither

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Gindler
Keyword(s):  
Private Property ◽  
The Political ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Proper Place ◽  
Private Property Rights ◽  
Wealth Redistribution ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Means Of Production

The article discusses fascism's place on the political spectrum. At present, there is no consensus among political scientists and economists on that issue, as it has been extraordinarily politicized and distorted during ideological struggles among various currents of socialism. From the very beginning, fascism was depicted by Marxists as belonging to the Right, while Fascists themselves wanted to build a society that transcends the Left-Right paradigm. However, few voices in academia have noted that practical implementation of the fascists’ ideas, inherited from the works of revolutionary and national syndicalists, exhibited predominantly leftist characteristics.The ambiguity of placing fascism in its proper place on the political spectrum can be confidently resolved by applying three primary factors that govern political spectrum polarization: attitude to private property, scope of individual freedom, and degree of wealth redistribution. The article argues that fascism is a particular current of non-Marxian socialism that utilized collectivization of consciousness and wealth redistribution as the main paths toward socialism rather than outright expropriation of private property or means of production. Simultaneously, it is acknowledged that private property rights were inhibited by the fascist state, even though de jure they were permitted.The fascist ideal of the “alternate way” had a logical inconsistency that produced an unstable equilibrium between labor and capital as well as between the man and the state. The politico-economic structure predictably collapsed to the left in the course of building a new society. Therefore, fascism could be correctly called the Right of the Left.

Comment: Overcoming His-story? Ms. Hughes's Treatment of Mr. Mill

1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
George Feaver
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Patron Saint ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
New Vision ◽  
The Right ◽  
Contemporary Liberalism

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.

The Age of Transformation in Ottoman Political Thought

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Banu Turnaoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The West ◽  
First Time

This chapter examines how the reigns of Sultan Selim III and Mahmud II witnessed significant changes in Ottoman political thought and the idea of a modern state. Concepts like republic, liberty, independence, equality, and nation began to appear widely in political writings. This change in political language was affected largely through the efforts of French missionaries, promoting republican ideas in the Ottoman sphere to win the support of the Porte. For the first time in Ottoman political thought, a republic was discussed as a form of a government, but still not as an alternative to the Ottoman monarchy. An extensive reform process changed the traditional ideas of nizam (order) and adalet (justice), improved relations with the West, and generated a modern bureaucratic centralized state.

Jurisdiction and Justiciability

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
West Bank ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Right ◽  
Sovereign Territory

This chapter describes the basis for the Court’s jurisdiction over petitions by residents of territory that is not the sovereign territory of Israel, but is ruled under a regime of belligerent occupation. The chapter examines the readiness of the Court to entertain such petitions, given that their subject matter falls within areas that are arguably non-justiciable. The chapter stresses the tension in the Court’s decisions created by its position that the legality of Israel’s most controversial policy in the West Bank—the settlement project—is not justiciable, and its ruling that the political nature of a government act cannot block the right of individuals to challenge the legality of acts that violate their rights.

Beyond Barrages and Boundaries

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheryl Colopy
Keyword(s):  
River System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The West ◽  
Ganges Basin ◽  
The World ◽  
Transboundary Water Management ◽  
The Right ◽  
International Border ◽  
The Ganges ◽  
Eastern Edge

A low dam girdles the Ganga about sixty miles beyond Bhagalpur. More than a mile and a half across, the structure is the longest barrage in the world. It has 109 gates, almost twice as many as the Koshi barrage I traveled over near the Nepal-India border. Its name, Farakka, is anathema to people throughout Bangladesh. In India mainly fishermen on the Ganga know much about it. The barrage, which sits just eleven miles from the international border that separates the tiny nation from its big neighbor, has poisoned relations between the two governments for forty years. The story of Farakka is one of the thorniest river disputes on the subcontinent. Whole books have been written about it on both sides of the border as well as by international commentators, not to mention the technical treatises it has engendered. The barrage did not accomplish the task for which it was built and has harmed people in both India and Bangladesh. Farakka offers a warning about how not to handle transboundary rivers to prevent complex subcontinental watersharing problems from becoming crises in the future. Borders fragment the river system in the Ganges basin, creating unique transboundary water management challenges. To visualize the Indian subcontinent’s river-sharing problems, imagine a slice of pizza. Take a bite out of the middle of the bumpy top crust. That’s Nepal. Then take a small bite out of the right, or eastern edge, just below the crust. That’s Bangladesh. The rest of the slice is India. These three nations share the greater Ganges basin. The river spills into the Bay of Bengal in Bangladesh after flowing across the wide top part of India. Many of the river’s major tributaries come from Nepal. The smaller slice of pizza to the west would include Pakistan and the Indus River, but that’s another complicated story. Now move the piece of pizza to North America and pretend the United States is the majority of the slice.

The Paradox of Partisanship

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-57
Author(s):  
Lee Drutman
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
American Political Science Association ◽  
The Political ◽  
American Political Thought ◽  
The Right ◽  
American Political Science ◽  
Science Association

This chapter examines the paradox of partisanship. In 1950, the American Political Science Association put out a major report arguing for a “more responsible two-party system.” The two parties—the Democratic Party and the Republican Party—were then largely indistinguishable coalitions of parochial local parties, and the political scientists argued that too little, rather than too much polarization, was the problem. This sets up a paradox: Some party division is necessary, but too much can be deadly. Various traditions in American political thought have tried to resolve this paradox. Antipartisans have urged consensus above all. Responsible partisans have urged competition above all. Meanwhile, bipartisans have urged compromise above all. Consensus is impossible. However, both compromise and competition are essential to democracy. Only the neglected multiparty tradition can solve the paradox with the right balance of competition and compromise.

John Adams's Machiavellian Moment

1995 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Bradley Thompson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
John Adams ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Epistemology

John Adams was unique among the Founding Fathers in that he actually read and took seriously Machiavelli's ideas. In his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States, Adams quoted extensively from Machiavelli and he openly acknowledged an intellectual debt to the Florentine statesman. Adams praised Machiavelli for having been “the first” to have “revived the ancient politics” and he insisted that the “world” was much indebted to Machiavelli for “the revival of reason in matters of government.” What could Adams have meant by these extraordinary statements? The following article examines the Machiavellian ideas and principles Adams incorporated into his political thought as well as those that he rejected. Drawing upon evidence found in an unpublished fragment, Part one argues that the political epistemology that Adams employed in the Defence can be traced to Machiavelli's new modes and orders. Part two presents Adams's critique of Machiavelli's constitutionalism.

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