A Question of Personal Status

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelia Hyndman-Rizk

AbstractAmid an enduring political deadlock in Parliament, the first civil marriage contracted in Lebanon in 2013 received significant media coverage in a country where the personal status law of eighteen recognized religious sects governs marriage. This case study examines the debate on civil marriage reform and the implications for women’s rights in Lebanon. For advocates, the recognition of civil marriage legalizes interreligious marriages, strengthens secular citizenship, shifts the jurisdiction of marriage from religious to civil law, and ensures women’s rights. Opponents, meanwhile, fear the loss of religious autonomy, the transformation of self-identification in Lebanon from sect to nation, and the destabilization of the confessional system. To date, civil marriage reform has been incremental, given clerical and social opposition, but the winds of change are blowing as couples increasingly take matters into their own hands to reform Lebanon’s system of personal status from the ground up.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Summer) ◽  
pp. 76-89
Author(s):  
Cecile Khoury

The present text explores the current confessional system in Lebanon and the possibility of a radical change to a secular state that governs personal status codes under civil laws. In order to do that, it draws on the Tunisian experience with which it shares a common colonial, geographic, and religious experience. I also delve into the possible effects that this reform can have on women’s rights in Lebanon while analyzing how the current laws fuel the sectarian system and examine the obstacles of secular change in a sectarian country.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miftakhul Huda ◽  
Eko Purnomo

This study seeks to identify the basic values of humanity presented in the Indonesian language textbook used in Junior High Schools. This study used a qualitative approach, with a textbook as a case study (specifically the Indonesian language textbook for the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades). The data considered took the form of words, phrase, sentences, discourse, and pictures showing the basic values of humanity. Data was collected a questionnaire which was subsequently analyzed. First, data were firstly classified according to the taxonomy and characteristic. Then codes were assigned to the different classifications. Then referential comparison techniques were used to measure the structure of basic values of humanity in the textbooks. This was followed by the construction of a basic pattern and the validation of the data. The research identified fifteen main points, they were scientific perspective, materials concept explication, curriculum relevance, interesting, increasing motivation, stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, understandable, supporting the other subjects, respecting individual differences, stabilizing values, protecting men and women’s rights, appreciation towards achievements, supporting freedom of speech, and respecting the essence of human being. From those fifteen main points, four points need to be improved, they are: stimulating students’ activities, illustrative, protecting men and women’s rights, and supporting freedom of speech. Keywords: humanity values, textbook, Indonesian language


Author(s):  
Boutheina Ben Hassine

This article is a review of the dynamics of the evolution of feminist movements in Tunisia starting in the third decade of the 20th century. These movements took advantage of the influence of the Nahda movement in the 19th century, which prompted the Arab world to modernize education and to involve women mainly in vocational education. The executives of the patriarchal society encouraged polygamy, while the French Protectorate and the Catholic Church targeted Tunisian women as a means of spreading French culture. In the 1920s, the national focus was on the education of women and encouraging their presence in the public space. When journalist Tahar Haddad wrote in favor of abandoning the veil, many nationalists (including President Habib Bourguiba) refused his idea, as the veil was seen as a symbol of Tunisian cultural identity, one transmitted specifically by women. This controversy over the veil is considered the beginning of Tunisian nationalism. By the 1930s, Tunisian women were no longer a central object of polemics and political discussion. They created new feminist associations: The Muslim Women’s Union of Tunisia (1936–1955), the Union of Tunisian Women (1944–1963), and the Union of Tunisian Girls (1945–1963). These associations worked within Tunisian society to help women overcome poverty, economic doldrums, and war, and they participated in Tunisia’s war of independence. Meanwhile, President Bourguiba focused on women in the struggle to modernize the country following independence. The achievement of personal status on August 13, 1956, was a revolutionary event in Africa. The National Union of Women of Tunisia became the machine of President Bourguiba, the “supreme fighter,” to educate women, control birth rates, and build the image of the Tunisian nation. Several women, including Radhia Haddad and Fathia Mzali, were involved in implementing this Bourguibian policy. But this policy led to difficulties—essentially, Bourguiba’s eventual return to a conservative and patriarchal model. The economic crisis of the 1970s deeply affected women, especially female workers in the textile industry. Intellectuals created the Tahar Haddad Club as a response to the hardening of the political regime and the Islamization of society. University women mobilized to create the Association of Tunisian Academic Women for Research and Development (TAWRD), with the motto of equal opportunities for men and women. After Zine El Abidine Ben Ali demolished the Bourguibian regime, he instituted a feminist policy to gain political legitimacy. He encouraged women ministers to promote women’s rights in the Ministry of Social Affairs. Ben Ali’s policy also redefined the prerogatives of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Children. His quest for legitimacy over his predecessor led him to undertake a major reform of the Code of Personal Status (CPS). The Ministry of Women, Family, and Children put more attention into studies and research on women by creating the CREDIF (Center for Research, Documentation, and Information on Women). But all these measures did not prevent Ben Ali’s regime from being fascist. The 2011 Revolution has been of great benefit for women’s rights, despite the rise of religious conservatism and radicalism, because it allowed parity in electoral lists and criminalized violence against women. Feminist associations doubled in number and multiplied actions for equality. More recently, from 2014–2019, the president of the republic, Beji Caid Essebssi, created a committee to enact laws on equality in matters of succession.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-448
Author(s):  
Amaney Jamal ◽  
Irfan Nooruddin

Abstract Historically Arab regimes have played critical roles in securing women’s rights in their societies. Yet regimes remain concerned about domestic, especially Islamist and traditionalist, reactions to women’s rights. When regimes feel they can overcome this resistance they honor commitments to women’s rights. When they fear more domestic opposition they renege. This article argues that Arab regimes are less likely to resist domestic opposition to women’s rights when US military presence increases in the region. The authors test the argument using cross-national data including an original expert-coder scale of Islamist power, and estimate an instrumental variable model to allay concerns of endogeneity. A case study of Jordan explicates their causal argument. The results are robust to different measures of Islamist strength and to different estimation techniques. Understanding this unintended consequence of US military deployments to the Arab world is important for future analysis of female empowerment in the Arab world.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husaimah Husain ◽  
Dwia Aries Tina Pulubuhu ◽  
Ery Iswary

This study aims to determine the implementation of the Law on the Elimination of Domestic Violence in Upholding Women's Rights, as well as supporting factors and inhibiting factors in Makassar City. This research is a qualitative research with data collection techniques using observation, in-depth interviews, document studies, and descriptive data analysis techniques. The research informants were 11 female victims of violence in the Makassar City area P2TP2A consultants, P2TP2A officers, citizen shelters, and female activists who provide assistance against Cases of Domestic Violence. The results of the data analysis show that the informants experienced complex problems due to the violence they experienced, there was a misunderstanding from the informants regarding the concept of domestic violence, informants were reluctant to use the PKDRT Law in handling their cases because of the assumption that the domestic violence problem was in the Domestic area and became taboo to bring to court.


Author(s):  
Carolina Matos

This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for women’s rights, further sketching abrief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women’s rights, particularly in the year 2015. This is done through a discussion of the discursive online practices of websites like Blogueiras Feministas and the NGO Think Olga, part of a wider project (Matos, 2017). Questions asked include how the media can better contribute to assist in gender development, and how online platforms can make a difference. I argue that despite constraints and setbacks, the seeds of a wider transformative influence in the offline world are slowly being planted in a highly fragmented, heterogeneous and erratic blogosphere.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amurwani Dwi L ◽  
Siti Rohmah Soekarba

During the New Order era the women's movement developed rapidly. These developments are indicated by the emergence of many women's organizations and groups of Non-Governmental Organizations which focus on prosecuting women's rights and protecting women against victims of violence. However, they have not touched on strategic issues in playing an important role for the success of the movement. These organizations are more demanding on the fulfillment of quotas in the position of women in politics. The women's movement has lost its critical power and innovation. In the meantime, the Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerwani) during the Old Order was considered to have given more opportunity to fight for women's rights and was considered successful in fighting for women. This organization was the most revolutionary women's movement at that time. They go directly into politics and fight for women's rights. However, Gerwani was regarded as one of the mass organizations most responsible for the events of 30 September 1965. In various mass media, Gerwani's atrocities are mentioned. The news was continuously carried out by various media. Stigmatization of the atrocities of Gerwani has provided gender limits to the women's movement during the New Order Period. A patriarchal culture that is thick in Indonesian society has become a major factor in the stigmatization of this organization. The peak was when Gerwani was banned by the New Order government and dissolved. Through an analytical descriptive approach, this paper looks at the stigmatization and crisis of Gerwani after dissolution, Gerwani in the perspective of feminism, and the dynamics of the movement, hopefully it can become learning.KEYWORDS: Indonesian Women Movementi, stigma, patriarchy, New Order, gender.INTRODUCTION


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