scholarly journals How many online workers are there in the world? A data-driven assessment

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Otto Kässi ◽  
Vili Lehdonvirta ◽  
Fabian Stephany

An unknown number of people around the world are earning income by working through online labour platforms such as Upwork and Amazon Mechanical Turk. We combine data collected from various sources to build a data-driven assessment of the number of such online workers (also known as online freelancers) globally. Our headline estimate is that there are 163 million freelancer profiles registered on online labour platforms globally. Approximately 19 million of them have obtained work through the platform at least once, and 5 million have completed at least 10 projects or earned at least $1000. These numbers suggest a substantial growth from 2015 in registered worker accounts, but much less growth in amount of work completed by workers. Our results indicate that online freelancing represents a non-trivial segment of labour today, but one that is spread thinly across countries and sectors.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Otto Kässi ◽  
Vili Lehdonvirta ◽  
Fabian Stephany

An unknown number of people around the world are earning income by working through online labour platforms such as Upwork and Amazon Mechanical Turk. We combine data collected from various sources to build a data-driven assessment of the number of such online workers (also known as online freelancers) globally. Our headline estimate is that there are 163 million freelancer profiles registered on online labour platforms globally. Approximately 19 million of them have obtained work through the platform at least once, and 5 million have completed at least 10 projects or earned at least $1000. These numbers suggest a substantial growth from 2015 in registered worker accounts, but much less growth in amount of work completed by workers. Our results indicate that online freelancing represents a non-trivial segment of labour today, but one that is spread thinly across countries and sectors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Otto Kässi ◽  
Vili Lehdonvirta ◽  
Fabian Stephany

An unknown number of people around the world are earning income by working through online labour platforms such as Upwork and Amazon Mechanical Turk. We combine data collected from various sources to build a data-driven assessment of the number of such online workers (also known as online freelancers) globally. Our headline estimate is that there are 163 million freelancer profiles registered on online labour platforms globally. Approximately 19 million of them have obtained work through the platform at least once, and 5 million have completed at least 10 projects or earned at least $1000. These numbers suggest a substantial growth from 2015 in registered worker accounts, but much less growth in amount of work completed by workers. Our results indicate that online freelancing represents a non-trivial segment of labour today, but one that is spread thinly across countries and sectors.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto Kässi ◽  
Vili Lehdonvirta ◽  
Fabian Stephany

An unknown number of people around the world are earning income by working through online labour platforms such as Upwork and Amazon Mechanical Turk. We combine data collected from various sources to build a data-driven assessment of the number of such online workers (also known as online freelancers) globally. Our headline estimate is that there are 163 million freelancer profiles registered on online labour platforms globally. Approximately 19 million of them have obtained work through the platform at least once, and 5 million have completed at least 10 projects or earned at least $1000. These numbers suggest a substantial growth from 2015 in registered worker accounts, but much less growth in amount of work completed by workers. Our results indicate that online freelancing represents a non-trivial segment of labour today, but one that is spread thinly across countries and sectors.


Author(s):  
Izabela Skoczeń

AbstractI investigate: (1) to what extent do folk ascriptions of lying differ between casual and courtroom contexts? (2) to what extent does motive (reason) to lie influence ascriptions of trust, mental states, and lying judgments? (3) to what extent are lying judgments consistent with previous ascriptions of communicated content? Following the Supreme Court’s Bronston judgment, I expect: (1) averaged lying judgments to be similar in casual and courtroom contexts; (2) motive to lie to influence levels of trust, mental states ascriptions, and patterns of lying judgments; (3) retrospective judgments of lying, after being presented with the state of the world, to be inconsistent with previous judgments of communicated content: participants hold the protagonist responsible for content she did not communicate. I performed a survey experiment on the Qualtrics platform. Participants were recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk (N = 630). I employed standard Likert scales and forced-choice questions. I found that: (1) average lying judgments are similar in casual and courtroom contexts; (2) motive to lie decreases trust ascription and increases lying judgment; (3) judgments of lying are inconsistent with previous judgments of communicated content: participants hold the protagonist responsible for content they did not communicate (effect size of the difference d = .69). Perjury ascriptions are inconsistent. The Supreme Court’s worries expressed in the Bronston judgment are well founded. This article helps reforming jury instructions in perjury cases.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah Almaatouq ◽  
Peter Krafft ◽  
Yarrow Dunham ◽  
David G. Rand ◽  
Alex Pentland

Crowdsourcing has become an indispensable tool in the behavioral sciences. Often, the “crowd” is considered a black box for gathering impersonal but generalizable data. Researchers sometimes seem to forget that crowdworkers are people with social contexts, unique personalities, and lives. To test this possibility, we measure how crowdworkers ( N = 2,337, preregistered) share a monetary endowment in a Dictator Game with another Mechanical Turk (MTurk) worker, a worker from another crowdworking platform, or a randomly selected stranger. Results indicate preferential in-group treatment for MTurk workers in particular and for crowdworkers in general. Cooperation levels from typical anonymous economic games on MTurk are not a good proxy for anonymous interactions and may generalize most readily only to the intragroup context.


Author(s):  
Abdullah Almaatouq ◽  
Peter Krafft ◽  
Yarrow Dunham ◽  
David G. Rand ◽  
Alex Pentland

Author(s):  
Kotaro Hara ◽  
Abigail Adams ◽  
Kristy Milland ◽  
Saiph Savage ◽  
Chris Callison-Burch ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Bailee L. Malivoire ◽  
Kathleen E. Stewart ◽  
Naomi Koerner

Abstract While chronic worry is typically associated with cautious and harm-avoidant behaviours, there is evidence that people high in chronic worry are characterised by negative urgency (NU), that is, the propensity to act rashly when experiencing negative affect. The present study was a preliminary examination of how rash action and impulsive decision-making manifest for chronic worriers compared to individuals low in worry. In total, 93 participants who endorsed high and low worry and NU responded to open-ended questions about their experience of NU on Amazon Mechanical Turk. Themes were identified using a data-driven approach. Participants high in chronic worry endorsed significantly greater NU compared to those low in worry. However, the types of NU behaviours were similar across participants, with a majority of responses involving initiating interpersonal conflict. Other themes included spending money, excessive eating, alcohol use, and aggressive behaviours. The manifestations of NU were largely consistent with those described in the model of NU. Although individuals higher in chronic worry engaged in NU behaviours to a greater extent, the types of behaviours were similar to those reported by people lower in worry. More research is needed to understand the characteristics of NU-motivated behaviour in individuals high in chronic worry.


Author(s):  
Gareth Dylan Smith

The author is rarely certain of his purpose in life—a condition that is heightened by a busy yet reluctant level of engagement with social media. The author utilizes Facebook and Twitter to promote activity around popular music education and sociology of music education. There is considerable overlap in the author’s life between professional and personal domains, which seems amplified by social media. Facebook and Twitter provide less formal, more direct means to engage with the world than traditional modes of peer-reviewed communication among academic colleagues. Social media provide a platform for working through ideas and for addressing problems with urgency and immediacy. As such, and despite some messiness and increased levels of vulnerability and risk, the author encourages peers to engage with social media’s immediate and powerful, punk pedagogical potential.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0261927X2110263
Author(s):  
David M. Markowitz

How do COVID-19 experts psychologically manage the pandemic and its effects? Using a full year of press briefings (January 2020–January 2021) from the World Health Organization ( N = 126), this paper evaluated the relationship between communication patterns and COVID-19 cases and deaths. The data suggest as COVID-19 cases and deaths increased, health experts tended to think about the virus in a more formal and analytic manner. Experts also communicated with fewer cognitive processing terms, which typically indicate people “working through” a crisis. This report offers a lens into the internal states of COVID-19 experts and their organization as they gradually learned about the virus and its daily impact.


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