scholarly journals Research on the Promotion of National Soft Power by a New Type of Think Tank with Chinese Characteristics

Author(s):  
Chun-ming JI
2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 92-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xufeng ZHU

Since 2013, the establishment of “New-Type of Think Tanks with Chinese Characteristics” (NTTTCC) has been highly promoted by the Xi Jinping administration. “The Opinions on Strengthening the Construction of NTTTCC” was approved by the Central Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms in 2014, while the “National Top Think Tank Pilot Programme” was approved by the Central Leading Group in 2015. With these efforts, the comprehensive management architecture for think tanks has been established in China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-283
Author(s):  
Yalun An ◽  
Xueshuang Wang ◽  
Fujun Xiang

The sporting diplomacy in China, as an integral part of China’s overall diplomacy, unswervingly upholds the fundamental foreign policy goal of preserving world peace and promoting common development since New China was founded. After adopting the policy of reform and opening, the sporting diplomacy in China has made historical achievements through intensive participation in international sporting competitions, extensive involvement in international sporting organizations, active hosting of mega sports events, and frequent engagement in cultural sporting exchanges with other countries. In the last decade, with a constant increase in China’s economy, cultural soft power and international influence of sports, China makes an all-round effort in the pursuit of major countrywide sporting diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. Currently, despite the severe challenges outside China, Beijing is making smooth preparations for the 2022 Winter Olympic and Paralympic Games, which embraces another milestone in the diplomacy of sport in China. This paper analyzes decision environments, goals, actions and defining features of China’s sporting diplomacy in different periods and follows on to summarize practical experiences in the development of the sporting diplomacy in China. The paper shows that the resounding success of China’s sporting diplomacy can be attributed to its commitment to serving the country’s diplomatic strategy and core interests, its commitment to following the Chinese path of sporting diplomacy, and its commitment to the traditional Chinese value of peaceful development. Finally, emerging issues and promotion strategies are presented.


Author(s):  
Eglė Rindzevičiūtė

This chapter details the establishment of International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) to demonstrate the crucial role of East-West cooperation in shaping global governance. IIASA as a diplomatic initiative was the result of actions by top governmental officials: US president Lyndon Johnson proposed creating an East-West think tank and Soviet Prime Minister Aleksei Kosygin accepted his proposal, both sides considering this step as part of cultural diplomacy or an exercise of “soft power” in the presumably less ideological areas of science and technology. The chapter then suggests that the establishment of IIASA can be interpreted as precisely such a forward-oriented arrangement to enable a certain form of cooperation between the opposing great powers: mutual predictability was enhanced by bringing together leading policy scientists from East and West, whereas shared goals were articulated through applied systems research.


Author(s):  
AGHAVNI HARUTYUNYAN

Even though more than 30 years have passed since the “socialism with Chinese characteristics” reforms of 1978 began, Western criticism of China regarding its political system, human rights issues, its treatment of Tibet, and so forth continues unabated today . Until the middle of the 1990s, as it emerged from the shadow of the Tiananmen events, China’s communist leaders designed new state-craft to revitalize economic reform and improve its national image. They have continued to view soft power as indispensable for the country’s efforts to increase comprehensive national strength and regain its status as a great power.


2020 ◽  
pp. 258-276
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Balanutsa ◽  
Olha Seheda

Abstract. The paper considers Ukrainian public diplomacy events carried out by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in cooperation with Ukrainian embassies overseas to strengthen the positive image of Ukraine in the international arena. The research has revealed that the modern concept of Ukrainian public diplomacy, which has replaced the outdated principle of cultural and humanitarian cooperation, is in need of new methods and ways of its implementation. In particular, what is implied here is harnessing the potential of digital diplomacy and crafting comprehensive multilateral projects involving both public and private actors. Such an approach will obviously require enhanced coordination among state bodies, public organisations and foundations as well as embracing modern digital technologies in the diplomatic agenda. Given the unprecedented nature of such initiatives in Ukraine’s diplomatic service, one of the main aspects of this research was to model the perspectives of holding large-scale image events, especially in the field of digital diplomacy, by Ukrainian diplomatic missions abroad. Considering the multifaceted concept of public diplomacy, it is stated that none of the existing algorithms can ensure the success of practices in the realm of public diplomacy. On the other hand, numerous indices, such as The Soft Power 30, Global Go To Think Tank Index, and Future Brand Country Index 2019, evaluate country profiles in the field of public diplomacy by using mathematical methods. Based on the Week of Ukraine in Kuwait 2020 and online projects initiated by the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Kuwait, the article analyses the effectiveness of alternative approaches to the implementation of Ukrainian public diplomacy in Kuwait. Keywords: public diplomacy, image-making projects, digital diplomacy, international image.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Yu Zhou

“My Motherland and Me”, a passionate patriotic song, can stand out from many patriotic themes after more than 30 years of writing, and with the help of “Flash Mob”, a new type of artistic expression, the theoretical self-confidence, road self-confidence, system self-confidence, and cultural self-confidence of socialism with Chinese characteristics over the past 40 years of reform and opening up were passed. It conveys the endless patriotism and nationalism of the Chinese nation, and conveys the strong historical blame of the rise and fall of the world, showing the powerful aesthetic and moral education functions of musical works. Teachers can use “My Motherland and Me” as a teaching case for the collaborative education of moral education and aesthetic education, and from here and there, promote the teaching experience of moral education.


Author(s):  
A. A. Maslov

Transformations in China’s cultural and ideological narrative since the 2010s have required the establishment of specific Chinese “think tanks of a new type,” which are formally institutionalized in Chinese legislation. In the initial period of their development (2013–2018), thinktanks were tasked with becoming a significant “soft power” tool to promote and explain key political and economic ideas, including Xi Jinping’s initiatives, so say to “reconceptualize” official ideas at the expert and analytical level and translate Chinese ideological initiatives language into the generally accepted language of expert discussion. However, since 2019–2020, being challenged by creating an anti-Chinese alliance, think-tanks were required to carry out not only expert-analytical work but also to develop draft decisions on critical issues of external and internal development. China’s political leaders seek to create a new type of analytical culture, stimulating the development of new types of centers and completely transforming the old ones. Of the four types of centers – governmental, academic, university, and public (non-governmental) – the governmental and public centers have proved the most effective. In contrast, the centers that grew out of academic institutions and university structures have been criticized for being slow and impractical in their judgments. At the same time, a number of public analytical centers have grown into giant corporations: today, they have branches in dozens of Chinese cities and abroad, maintain ties with Chinese Huaqiao, and advise the country’s authorities on crucial issues of political and economic development.


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