The United States: Divided Government, Divided Nation

2019 ◽  
pp. 343-404
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
Warning Sign ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Hollywood Film ◽  
Congress Of Industrial Organizations ◽  
Industrial Organizations ◽  
Early Warning Sign ◽  
Film Studios ◽  
The Impact

This chapter looks at the challenges faced by progressives in veterans organizations, the labor movement, national politics, and the 1948 presidential election in the U.S. The impact of domestic communism and anti-communism commands a prominent place here. The anti-communist affidavit required of union officials by the Taft–Hartley law of 1947 was an early warning sign of the tidal wave of anti-communism starting to wash over American political culture. No matter how the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) acted, dealing with communist influence in its unions would divide the federation. However, the problem of communism in American public life went far beyond the confines of organized labor. It erupted most visibly in the Hollywood film studios and the broadcasting industry. Conflict within the American Veterans Committee (AVC) makes for an especially illuminating case study. The chapter then considers the fate of Harry Truman's “Fair Deal” program during his second term.

The Knights of Labor

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Hild
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Knights Of Labor ◽  
American Federation ◽  
Congress Of Industrial Organizations ◽  
Industrial Organizations ◽  
American Capitalism ◽  
Railway System

Founded in Philadelphia in 1869, the Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor became the largest and most powerful labor organization that had ever existed in the United States by the mid-1880s. Recruiting men and women of nearly all occupations and all races (except Chinese), the Knights tried to reform American capitalism and politics in ways that would curb the growing economic and political abuses and excesses of the Gilded Age. Leaders of the organization viewed strikes as harmful to workers and employers alike, especially after the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, but a series of railroad strikes in 1884 and 1885 caused the Knights’ membership rolls to reach a peak of at least 700,000 in 1886. The heyday of the Knights of Labor proved brief though. Two major events in May 1886, the Haymarket riot in Chicago and the failure of a strike against Jay Gould’s Southwestern Railway system, began a series of setbacks that caused the organization to decline about as rapidly as it had arisen. By 1893, membership dropped below 100,000, and the Knights’ leaders aligned the organization with the farmers’ movement and the Populist Party. The Knights increasingly became a rural organization, as urban skilled and semi-skilled workers joined trade unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The AFL, however, proved less inclusive and egalitarian than the Knights of Labor, although some of the latter’s ideals would be carried on by later organizations such as the Industrial Workers of the World and the Congress of Industrial Organizations.

In the Wake of Pearl Harbor

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Ronald W. Schatz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Pearl Harbor ◽  
National Policies ◽  
Congress Of Industrial Organizations ◽  
Industrial Organizations ◽  
Wage Inflation ◽  
Set Up

In January 1942, President Roosevelt set up the National War Labor Board to reduce strikes, control wage inflation, develop national policies for union-management relations, and resolve disputes between labor and companies for the duration for the war. This chapter explains the dire situation facing the United States and its allies in the winter of 1941-42, how the NWLB came into being, the board’s members, and the backgrounds and outlook of the young economists and attorneys who did the bulk of the board’s work. Philip Murray, the president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations and the Steelworkers union, called the staffers “the Labor Board boys.”

scholarly journals Pakistan’s Politics of Alliances and the Role of Pakistani Military in Politics (1954-1958): Uneven and Combined Development

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Ali Jibran ◽  
Syed Ali Shah ◽  
Muhammad Bilal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Uneven And Combined Development ◽  
The Impact

The states have to adjust to the pressure exerted by the 'international'; yet impact of the 'international' on national politics has been ignored by mainstream international relations theories. This study uses a framework of "Uneven and Combined Development" to investigate the impact of Pakistan's inclusion in the United States led defense pacts on Pakistan military's role in domestic politics from 1954 to 1958. The central finding of this research is that the United States preferred Pakistan military over political leadership in Pakistan to checkmate communism in Asia as well as to stop communist political parties gaining power in Pakistan. By participating in these international pacts, the role of Pakistan military expanded in politics which culminated in the first martial law (1958).

Liberating “Shadow” America

2019 ◽  
pp. 41-70
Author(s):  
John P. Enyeart
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Language ◽  
Information Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Pluralism ◽  
Proletarian Literature ◽  
Congress Of Industrial Organizations ◽  
Labor Activism ◽  
Industrial Organizations

Chapter 2 traces Louis Adamic’s emergence as a leader in the antifascist vanguard. By the mid-1930s, Adamic proclaimed that the United States was ripe for fascist exploitation and pointed to the efforts of white nationalists who claimed that the struggles for worker, immigrant, and black rights were communist-inspired. Adamic promoted cultural pluralism and the dynamic labor activism of the Congress of Industrial Organizations as countermeasures to fight the demagoguery of the anticommunists. Adamic also attacked the procommunist left in the United States because of their adherence to Moscow’s dictates, which highlighted his independent leftist politics. His proworker novel Grandsons, which became an example of the genera of proletarian literature, and his work with the propluralist Foreign Language Information Service are highlighted.

Strategic Responses to Three Kinds of Uncertainty: Product Line Simplicity at the Hollywood Film Studios

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Miller ◽  
Jamal Shamsie
Keyword(s):  
Product Line ◽  
Response Uncertainty ◽  
Strategic Responses ◽  
Market Reactions ◽  
Hollywood Film ◽  
Uncertainty Product ◽  
Film Studios ◽  
State Uncertainty ◽  
Individual Decisions ◽  
The Impact

This paper explores the impact of Milliken’s (1987) three kinds of uncertainty on product line simplicity--specifically on the range of product variations a firm offers. Environmental state uncertainty represents an inability to forecast industry or market events; it results in part from the demand and competitive volatility facing aU firms equally in an industry. Organizational effect uncertainty represents an inability to predict the effect of any given environmental state or event on one’s own firm; it results in part from a lack of skills, knowledge and resources that couM help managers understand or influence market reactions. Finally, decision response uncertainty represents an inability to predict the consequences of a specific decision. It derives from the ignorance and risks perceived in making individual decisions. The thesis of this research is that whereas environmental state uncertainty will give rise to product variations, paradoxically, organization effect and decision response uncertainty will discourage such variations. These ideas are explored and largely supported in a study of the film genres of the major Hollywood film studios between the years 1936 and 1965.

Why Shouldn't a Union Man Be a Union Man? The ILGWU and FOUR

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Renshaw
Keyword(s):  
White Male ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Industrial Democracy ◽  
American Federation Of Labor ◽  
General Process ◽  
American Federation ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Congress Of Industrial Organizations ◽  
Industrial Organizations

Historians generally agree that in the 1950s and 1960s organized labour in the United States had become thoroughly bureaucratized. This is often explained as part of a general process of growth and maturity. In their lean, radical youth in the 1930s, those American unions which had launched the Congress of Industrial Organizations had aimed at two targets: to organize and bargain collectively, as promised by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act; and then to use this power to press for wider industrial democracy and social reform. By the time the CIO was reunited with the American Federation of Labor in 1955, this picture had been substantially changed. Increasingly labour cooperated with management and had become part of the white, male, liberal corporate power structure which ran the American capitalist industrial and political system. This military-industrial complex was the indispensable basis, not just for American prosperity but the whole Cold War strategy of containment of communism through the Pax Americana.

Demonstrating Nutrient Cost Gradients: A Brooklyn Case Study

2014 ◽  
Vol 84 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 244-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Karp ◽  
Gary Wong ◽  
Marguerite Orsi
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
Energy Content ◽  
Food Selection ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Department ◽  
Micronutrient Deficiencies ◽  
Caloric Density ◽  
Low Income Families ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Impact

Abstract. Introduction: Foods dense in micronutrients are generally more expensive than those with higher energy content. These cost-differentials may put low-income families at risk of diminished micronutrient intake. Objectives: We sought to determine differences in the cost for iron, folate, and choline in foods available for purchase in a low-income community when assessed for energy content and serving size. Methods: Sixty-nine foods listed in the menu plans provided by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) for low-income families were considered, in 10 domains. The cost and micronutrient content for-energy and per-serving of these foods were determined for the three micronutrients. Exact Kruskal-Wallis tests were used for comparisons of energy costs; Spearman rho tests for comparisons of micronutrient content. Ninety families were interviewed in a pediatric clinic to assess the impact of food cost on food selection. Results: Significant differences between domains were shown for energy density with both cost-for-energy (p < 0.001) and cost-per-serving (p < 0.05) comparisons. All three micronutrient contents were significantly correlated with cost-for-energy (p < 0.01). Both iron and choline contents were significantly correlated with cost-per-serving (p < 0.05). Of the 90 families, 38 (42 %) worried about food costs; 40 (44 %) had chosen foods of high caloric density in response to that fear, and 29 of 40 families experiencing both worry and making such food selection. Conclusion: Adjustments to USDA meal plans using cost-for-energy analysis showed differentials for both energy and micronutrients. These differentials were reduced using cost-per-serving analysis, but were not eliminated. A substantial proportion of low-income families are vulnerable to micronutrient deficiencies.

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