Serving All Languages

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-63
Author(s):  
Lea Shaver

This chapter clarifies how English is the most widely studied foreign language in the world according to David Crystal. Since World War II, it has emerged as the dominant language of global commerce and culture. The chapter emphasizes that being fluent in English greatly expands one's reading options. English accounts for 80 percent of the e-book titles available on Amazon.com, 80 percent of academic journals, and more than half of all content on the Internet. The chapter also discusses how several organizations are working to expand multilingual children's literature: the African Storybook Project, Books for Asia, the Global Book Alliance, Nabu.org, Worldreader, and myriad small publishers serving specific language communities. Their programs make clearer than ever before what it means to effectively promote the right to read. This requires the coordinated efforts of the United Nations, national governments, foundations, businesspeople, charities, publishers, authors, and illustrators.

Paideusis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Peter Kovacs

Since the end of World War II, English has become the virtual lingua franca of the planet. However, this development carries significant ethical and educational questions: What are the consequences of the worldwide dominance of the English language? How has it affected and how will it affect the fortunes of other languages? What can and should we as educators to do to minimize or eliminate the harmful effects on some of the endangered languages of the world? This paper will invite educators into a philosophical discussion of the ethical complexities of teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language.


Author(s):  
David A. Hamburg ◽  
Beatrix A. Hamburg

The growing destructive capacities of humanity make this the prime problem of the twenty-first century. How we cope with this problem will have a profound bearing on the world of our grandchildren. The twentieth century was the bloodiest ever. World War II caused at least 50 million deaths. Six million died in the Holocaust. At Hiroshima, one bomb caused 100,000 deaths. Now thousands of such bombs (smaller and more conveniently transportable tactical bombs) are housed in Russia. Many are poorly guarded, susceptible to theft and bribery. Others may be made elsewhere. Danger increases with the number of such weapons existing in the world.Why? There is a greater chance of error, theft, and bribery—and ultimately their use in war or terrorism. Therefore, we should diminish the numbers as much as we can and secure responsible stewardship for those that remain. Moreover, there are still thousands of nuclear weapons that are far more powerful than the smaller tactical weapons. Biological and chemical weapons are easier to make than nuclear warheads and therefore have special appeal to terrorists. Small arms and light weapons now cover the world wall-to-wall. They include highly lethal machine guns, mortars, automatic rifles, and rocket launchers. Altogether, the destructive capacity of humanity is almost beyond imagination. Moreover, there is an exciting effect of today’s vast weapons on political demagogues, religious fanatics, and ethnic haters—and plenty of them exist in the world. Incitement to hatred and violence can occur with radio, TV, the Internet, and many other media. Thus, we can more powerfully incite violence, utilize more lethal weapons, and do much more damage than ever imaginable before. No group is so small or so far away as to prevent it from doing immense damage anywhere. The time has come to move beyond complacency, fatalism, denial, and avoidance. We must urgently seek to understand and strengthen an array of institutions and organizations that have the capacity to use tools and strategies to prevent deadly conflict. The first author (D.A.H.) considered many such possibilities in his recent book, No More Killing Fields: Preventing Deadly Conflict. Overall, this gives humanity a greater range of possibilities than ever before for building a system for preventing war and genocide. It will not be easy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-283
Author(s):  
Margaret P. Karns

The seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations in 1945 invites us to look back at the achievement of creating this new organization even before the guns had fallen silent in World War II. It also prompts us to ask: Where is the organization today? How well has it fulfilled and is it still fulfilling the high ideals of its Charter? Even more importantly, how confident can we be that what has grown into the complex UN system will not just survive but also provide its member states and the peoples of the world with the organizational structures, resources, and tools needed to address twenty-first century challenges?


1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-476 ◽  

The eighth session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) was held in Rome from November 4 through 25, 1955 under the chairmanship of the Right Honorable K. J. Holyoake (New Zealand). The Conference had accepted the proposals submitted by the FAO Council on the organization of the eighth session, and consequently established various commissions to deal with agenda items pertaining to program trends and policy questions in food and agriculture, constitutional and legal questions, and administrative and financial questions. During its discussion of the world food and agricultural situation, the Conference noted that world per capita agricultural production, which had decreased by ten to fifteen percent at the end of World War II, had regained its pre-war level in spite of an increase of nearly 25 percent in population. However, agricultural production had increased more rapidly in advanced countries than in economically under-developed ones, so that per capita production in Asia and Latin America was still below pre-war levels, while surpluses had built up in the more advanced countries. The Conference felt that this situation was due to a failure to expand effective demand for farm products as rapidly as technical developments made it possible to expand production. Although the Conference noted that surplus agricultural commodities had increased more slowly in 1954–1955 than in the two preceding years, it felt that this had been due at least as much to poor crops in some countries as to increased consumption or to a planned reduction of output.


2019 ◽  
pp. 105-134
Author(s):  
John P. Enyeart

At the end of World War II, Louis Adamic joined other antifascists in arguing that although the Axis Powers would be defeated, its fascist ethic would live on. A true democratic victory included committing to racial and ethnic justice at home and abroad, expanding workers’ rights, and establishing the right of nations to self-determination. Adamic attempted to advance his beliefs by working on former vice president Henry Wallace’s 1948 bid for president on the Progressive party ticket, going on lecture tours with Paul Robeson, and battling anticommunists, especially Catholics. Adamic’s ties to Josip Broz Tito and W. E. B. DuBois as well as his broader anticolonialist outlook, which included his view that white supremacy threatened the world, are key features of this chapter.


Author(s):  
Derrick M. Nault

Chapter Four assesses Africa’s contributions to ‘third generation’ rights—‘solidarity’ or ‘group rights’ that emerged in tandem with decolonization after World War II. It traces the genealogy of three such human rights incorporated into the mandate of the United Nations (UN) from the 1950s to 1980s—the right to self-determination, the right to racial non-discrimination, and the right to development—arguing that African political lobbying proved decisive for the recognition and codification of these interrelated rights at the UN. Through writings and speeches critical of colonialism, racism, and global inequality; cultivating alliances with non-African Third World nations; and making the United Nations a more inclusive and representative international body, African leaders, it is shown, helped redefine human rights at the UN in ways that continue to reverberate in our own era.


2020 ◽  
pp. 197-238
Author(s):  
David F. Schmitz

The success of the D-Day landing on June 6, 1944 began the last stage of World War II that culminated in victory in Europe in May 1945 and Asia in August 1945. While Roosevelt did not live to see the final victories, his actions in 1944 and early 1945 shaped much of the postwar period. The month after the landings at Normandy beach, forty-four nations met at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire where they established the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for Reconstruction and Development. In August, delegates from around the world gathered at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in Washington to begin the establishment of the United Nations. In February, 1945, the Big Three met again at Yalta to plan for the end of the war, occupation of Germany, and postwar peace.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Thomas G Weiss

AbstractThis essay poses two questions: “Would the World Be Better without the UN?” and “Would the World Be Better without Donald Trump?” The answers are “No” and “Yes.” It begins by discussing the UN’s value and continues by probing the historical context of U.S. approaches to multilateralism and Washington’s unhesitating leadership during World War II, an era as fraught as ours. It then analyzes the implications of the Trump Administration’s “America First” policy on the United Nations and considers the possibilities for concerted international action without Washington. It concludes by examining the odds that the world body can become fitter-for-purpose.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian TOMUSCHAT

From a conceptual viewpoint, the legal universe has found its almost perfect configuration in our time. Almost all of the peoples of the world are members of the United Nations and as such are entitled to co-operate in shaping the direction and content of policies at the global level. Before World War II, and even a considerable time after the horrendous events unleashed by that war, many nations had no say in international matters. They were placed under colonial rule, which meant that their voices were not heard—or heard only through the mediation of the powers that acted as their wards and guardians. That situation of structural discrimination has changed dramatically. All the peoples of the world have reached sovereign statehood and have been admitted to the world forum.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Radenka Cvetić

Initially the paper recalls that the apartment/condominium ownership is a complex legal construct, which, as a special form of ownership, is the legal institute of modern age. Thereupon, the reasons underlying its legal recognition and widespread use have been indicated, taking into account its deviations from the general ownership regime. Complexity of the apartment/condominium ownership stems from its specific object. Namely, three components of this legal construct: the right on the separate unite of the building (which could be in the the exclusive ownership, co-ownership or in joint ownership), the right on the joint parts of the building (in joint ownership of apartment owners), and the right on the land on which the building is located (in co-ownership of apartment owners), should be normatively shaped and systematically coordinated. Special attention has been paid to the right on the land, from the viewpoint of its peculiarity during the development of a legal system in Serbia after the World War II. The process of conversion, i.e. transformation of the right of use into the right of ownership in Serbia has begun in 2009 by entering into force of the still applicable Planning and Building Act. Evolution of the regulation of the rights of apartment/condominium owners on the land on which the building was erected (including the land which serves for its regular use), from 2009 to 2020, has been examined in detail in the light of its adequacy and capacity to contribute to the (re)establishing of the legal unity of the immovable property, as well as to the prevention of contentious situations.


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