“Peace as a World Race Problem”

2019 ◽  
pp. 105-134
Author(s):  
John P. Enyeart

At the end of World War II, Louis Adamic joined other antifascists in arguing that although the Axis Powers would be defeated, its fascist ethic would live on. A true democratic victory included committing to racial and ethnic justice at home and abroad, expanding workers’ rights, and establishing the right of nations to self-determination. Adamic attempted to advance his beliefs by working on former vice president Henry Wallace’s 1948 bid for president on the Progressive party ticket, going on lecture tours with Paul Robeson, and battling anticommunists, especially Catholics. Adamic’s ties to Josip Broz Tito and W. E. B. DuBois as well as his broader anticolonialist outlook, which included his view that white supremacy threatened the world, are key features of this chapter.

Author(s):  
Ralph Wilde

This article examines the Trusteeship Council, a principal organ whose work was essential to the settlement arising from World War II. It involved establishing procedures for the independence of the defeated powers' colonies. This article details the pioneering efforts of the UN at facilitating the decolonization of trust territories. This is part of the world organization's contribution to the processes of self-determination for peoples in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Middle East. It also reveals that the work of the Trusteeship Council was linked to what may have been the most important political change of the twentieth century.


1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michla Pomerance

Ever since the principle of self-determination entered the lexicon of international politics during World War I, American foreign policymakers have had to contend with problems revolving around that concept. The need to favor one or another claimant, each waving the banner of self-determination and invoking the “right to determine its own fate,” continues to present dilemmas, often extremely troubling ones, for U.S. decisionmakers. Examples from recent history come readily to mind. The entire post-World War II decolonization process entailed an endless series of such dilemmas, and even after formal decolonization was all but completed, such nagging issues as Katanga, Biafra, and Eritrea remained, not to mention the problems of South Africa, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Indochina. Indeed, even within America’s own imperial domain, the United States was faced with the conflicting demands of the Puerto Rican nationalists and the majority of the Puerto Rican electorate, the claims of the Marianas as against those of Micronesia as a whole, and demands for cultural autonomy on the part of diverse ethnic groups.


1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Fadl Hasan

About 70 years ago, the Mahdist or Ansār state, in many ways a traditional Muslim government, crumbled under the fire of the Anglotional Egyptian cannons. On the condominium government that followed fell the task of pacifying the country and introducing western concepts of administration. All Sudanese attempts to defy foreign domination had failed completely by 1924. The British, the stronger of the two partners, had the lion's share in shaping the destiny of the country. Towards the end of World War II, the influential and educated Sudanese, like other Africans and Asians, demanded the right of self-determination. In 1946, in preparation for this, a sample of western democracy was introduced in the form of an Advisory Council. This Council, which was restricted to the northern Sudan, was followed two years later by the Legislative Assembly, which had slightly more powers. Although these democratic innovations were quite alien to the country and were introduced at a relatively late date, they were in keeping with traditional institutions. Until recently, the Sudan consisted of a number of tribal units where no classes or social distinctions existed and the tribal chief was no more than the first among equals; the people were therefore not accustomed to autocratic rule.


1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 472-476 ◽  

The eighth session of the Conference of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) was held in Rome from November 4 through 25, 1955 under the chairmanship of the Right Honorable K. J. Holyoake (New Zealand). The Conference had accepted the proposals submitted by the FAO Council on the organization of the eighth session, and consequently established various commissions to deal with agenda items pertaining to program trends and policy questions in food and agriculture, constitutional and legal questions, and administrative and financial questions. During its discussion of the world food and agricultural situation, the Conference noted that world per capita agricultural production, which had decreased by ten to fifteen percent at the end of World War II, had regained its pre-war level in spite of an increase of nearly 25 percent in population. However, agricultural production had increased more rapidly in advanced countries than in economically under-developed ones, so that per capita production in Asia and Latin America was still below pre-war levels, while surpluses had built up in the more advanced countries. The Conference felt that this situation was due to a failure to expand effective demand for farm products as rapidly as technical developments made it possible to expand production. Although the Conference noted that surplus agricultural commodities had increased more slowly in 1954–1955 than in the two preceding years, it felt that this had been due at least as much to poor crops in some countries as to increased consumption or to a planned reduction of output.


2012 ◽  
pp. 259-273
Author(s):  
Drago Njegovan

The issue of regionalism and the autonomy of certain areas is mainly related to the ethnic composition of the population. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina as a Serbian region in the Habsburg Monarchy was created back in 1690. It came into being 150 years later by the decision of the 1848 May Assembly. In a significantly different form, it lasted ten years as the Serbian Voivodship and Temisvar (Timisoara) Banat. In the next fifty years, a autonomous Serbian Vojvodina was just a dream. At the end of World War I the areas of Vojvodina, on the basis of the right to self-determination, entered the Kingdom of Serbia and thus became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, i.e. Yugoslavia. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina was then discarded. Some liberal politicians, supported by the Croats, tried to restore it in the interwar period but this option did not receive any support of voters at the elections. The illegal Communist Party politically promoted the idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina in a federalized Yugoslavia, which was achieved during World War II. At the end of the war, the autonomous Vojvodina remained part of Serbia, and according to the 1974 Constitution, it became a part of federal Yugoslavia. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the autonomy of Vojvodina within Serbia was preserved but recently, after the so-called democratic changes of 2000, domestic and foreign (EU and NATO) political engagement in Serbia has been more directed towards the greater autonomy of Vojvodina, and even its separation from Serbia, despite the two-thirds Serbian majority living in the Province.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Zdenko Čepič

Although the second Yugoslavia was often called Tito’s Yugoslavia in political parlance, the term Titoism was rarely used for its political regime and the structure of its government at the time. The term was closely connected to the person of Josip Broz Tito. The connection was based both on the name and on the fact that the term applied to events that happened during Tito’s rule. It is simply an eponym in the true sense of the word. On one hand, Titoism was the principle on which the second Yugoslavia was based, and on the other it was a method of governing. Titoism can also describe the Yugoslav type of socialism and its characteristic features, as well as the country in general. Titoism is not so much an ideology, but rather a practice. It is the government's means. Titoism is Yugoslavia as a country after World War II, it is the structure of the state administration, i.e. the federal government, and the principle on which it is based, i.e. the recognition of the nation’s right of self-determination, including the right to secede, as well as the country’s political system – the workers’ self-management. Everything that can be understood as Titoism was representative of the second Yugoslavia. On one hand, Titoism was the means for the country’s rise, its creation and development (progression), but on the other hand, Titoism already contained the seed of the country’s dissolution, its demise and the disintegration of the whole system known as Titoism. Of what was actually the end of the second Yugoslavia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-111
Author(s):  
Radenka Cvetić

Initially the paper recalls that the apartment/condominium ownership is a complex legal construct, which, as a special form of ownership, is the legal institute of modern age. Thereupon, the reasons underlying its legal recognition and widespread use have been indicated, taking into account its deviations from the general ownership regime. Complexity of the apartment/condominium ownership stems from its specific object. Namely, three components of this legal construct: the right on the separate unite of the building (which could be in the the exclusive ownership, co-ownership or in joint ownership), the right on the joint parts of the building (in joint ownership of apartment owners), and the right on the land on which the building is located (in co-ownership of apartment owners), should be normatively shaped and systematically coordinated. Special attention has been paid to the right on the land, from the viewpoint of its peculiarity during the development of a legal system in Serbia after the World War II. The process of conversion, i.e. transformation of the right of use into the right of ownership in Serbia has begun in 2009 by entering into force of the still applicable Planning and Building Act. Evolution of the regulation of the rights of apartment/condominium owners on the land on which the building was erected (including the land which serves for its regular use), from 2009 to 2020, has been examined in detail in the light of its adequacy and capacity to contribute to the (re)establishing of the legal unity of the immovable property, as well as to the prevention of contentious situations.


Author(s):  
I. I. Belousov

After the Second World War 70 years have passed. Essentially already gone a generation of people for whom it was not a story, and the nationwide disaster and personal experience. And let time more and more we move away from the victory of 1945, the value and results of the war are enormous for the future of the modern world. Memory of the Great Victory presents to all of us now living, special requirements, the main of which consists in the fact that based on the analysis draw the necessary lessons from the past, draw the right conclusions for the safety of modern Russia. Over the years, the world has changed considerably. On the stage of world politics, a host of new independent states. There are new centers of economic development, and hence the new poles of power. Meanwhile, the events of recent months show that the main results of the Victory have not lost their importance today. This is best spoken of their incessant attempts to challenge by distorting the main points of the war and its lessons. And, obviously, it is no accident the day before and during the celebration of 70th anniversary of Victory wishing her to steal the peoples of Russia have been particularly active, as they claim - stiff and awkward. For domestic historiography it is not something unexpected. On the socio-political, military and economic results of the Second World War written many works, but probably in the light of the development of military-political processes in the world of individual instructive lesson it is important not to forget.


Author(s):  
André Rodrigues

Ernst Mahle is a German-born Brazilian composer, conductor, and music educator who occupies the chair number 6 of the Academia Brasileira de Música. He is also a former vice-president of the Sociedade Brasileira de Música Contemporânea. He was born on January 3rd 1929 in Stuttgart and spent most of his childhood in Bluendz, Austria. Following the World War II, the city of Bluendz would host concerts by the most prominent students of the Conservatoire national de musique de Paris. Impressed by the dexterity of such players, Mahle decided to pursue piano and composition studies, and at age 20 he was accepted at the Staatliche Hochschule für Musik und Darstellende Kunst Stuttgart in the class of Austrian composer Johann Nepomuk David. His studies in Stuttgart ended quickly, only one year later, when his family moved to São Paulo, Brazil, in 1951. Nevertheless, Mahle developed a special interest in modal music during this period after being introduced to the music of Béla Bartók.


2020 ◽  
pp. 46-63
Author(s):  
Lea Shaver

This chapter clarifies how English is the most widely studied foreign language in the world according to David Crystal. Since World War II, it has emerged as the dominant language of global commerce and culture. The chapter emphasizes that being fluent in English greatly expands one's reading options. English accounts for 80 percent of the e-book titles available on Amazon.com, 80 percent of academic journals, and more than half of all content on the Internet. The chapter also discusses how several organizations are working to expand multilingual children's literature: the African Storybook Project, Books for Asia, the Global Book Alliance, Nabu.org, Worldreader, and myriad small publishers serving specific language communities. Their programs make clearer than ever before what it means to effectively promote the right to read. This requires the coordinated efforts of the United Nations, national governments, foundations, businesspeople, charities, publishers, authors, and illustrators.


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