scholarly journals Men and the Suffrage

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 259
Author(s):  
Sigríður Dúna Kristmundsdóttir

Around the turn of the last century the suffrage was a crucial political issue in Europe and North America. Granting the disenfranchised groups, all women and a proportion of men, the suffrage would foreseeably have lasting effects on the structure of society and its gendered organization. Accordingly, the suffrage was hotly debated. Absent in this debate were the voices of disenfranchised men and this article asks why this was so. No research has been found on why these men did not fight for their suffrage while women ́s fight for their suffrage has been well researched. Within this context, the article examines the case of Iceland, in terms of issues such as the importance of urbanization, social change and culturally defined perceptions of men and women as social persons. It is argued that men did not have the same impetus as women to fight for their suffrage, and that if they had wanted to they were in certain respects disadvantaged compared to women. The gendered organization of society emerges as central in explaining why women fought for their suffrage and men did not, and why women’s suffrage received more attention than men’s general suffrage. As a case study, offering a microcosmic view of the subject in one social and cultural context, it allows for comparison with other like studies and with ongoing social processes.

Author(s):  
Dawn Langan Teele

This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in France. It considers evidence for the role religious cleavage played in hampering French suffrage politics. It argues that Catholicism influenced both the incentives of leaders in the Radical Party and the motivations of women who were suffragists. The first section delves into the rules governing electoral politics and the groups that were empowered throughout the period. The second section gives a brief introduction to the campaign for women's suffrage in France after 1870. The third section analyzes the failure of suffrage reform in the French legislature. In 1919, when a bill for women's suffrage was debated in the Chamber of Deputies, an amalgamation of Socialists, conservative republicans, some Radicals, and parties of the right brought it to a majority vote. But many among the Radicals, and nearly every member of Georges Clemenceau's cabinet, voted against the measure.


Author(s):  
Katharine Hodgson

This book is an examination of a poet whose career offers a case study in the complexities facing Soviet writers in the Stalin era. Ol′ga Berggol′ts (1910–1975) was a prominent Russian Soviet poet, whose accounts of heroism in wartime Leningrad brought her fame. This book addresses her position as a writer whose Party loyalties were frequently in conflict with the demands of artistic and personal integrity. Writers who pursued their careers under the restrictions of the Stalin era have been categorized as ‘official’ figures whose work is assumed to be drab, inept and opportunistic; but such assumptions impose a uniformity on the work of Soviet writers that the censors and the Writers Union could not achieve. An exploration of Berggol′ts's work shows that the borders between ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’ literature were in fact permeable and shifting. This book draws on unpublished sources such as diaries and notebooks to reveal the range and scope of her work, and to show how conflict and ambiguity functioned as a creative structuring principle. The text discusses how Berggol′ts's lyric poetry constructs the subject from multiple, conflicting discourses, and examines the poet's treatment of genres such as narrative verse, verse tragedy and prose in the changing cultural context of the 1950s. Berggol′ts's use of inter-textual, and especially intra-textual, reference is also investigated; the intensively self-referential nature of her work creates a web of allusion that connects texts of different genres, ‘official’ as well as ‘unofficial’ writing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-143
Author(s):  
Susan D. Anderson

My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-76
Author(s):  
Paweł Szumigała ◽  
Karolina Szumigała

AbstractSubject and purpose of work: The subject of the study is urban farming and examples of urban gardens built in selected cities in North America and Europe. The aim of the study was to determine the influence of urban farming on urban landscape. Materials and methods: A case study - analysis of the ecological, spatial and social aspects of selected examples. Results: The idea of urban farming is gaining popularity and every year there are more urban gardens in cities in North America and Europe. There are several dozen urban gardens in Poland. Their structure is diversified so as to meet the needs of local communities. The character and scale of urban farming is diversified. These gardens satisfy aesthetic, scenic, ecological, social and even economic needs of small communities. They enrich the urban landscape with new, seasonally changeable enclaves of utility and aesthetic greenery. Conclusions: Urban farming is an ecological, social and spatial factor and a favourable alternative to urban landscape transformations. The development of urban farming should be successively supported by local authorities.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Beausaert

During the bicycle “craze” of the 1890s and early 1900s, men and women across Western Europe and North America embraced this novel form of recreation and modern mode of transportation. Undoubtedly, the invention of the “safety” bicycle in 1885 aided women’s enjoyment of the machine, yet in many respects cycling remained an androcentric mode of recreation. This is most evident when examining the paternal structure of bicycle clubs. In the existing literature on cycling, however, little attention is paid to gender dynamics within clubs, especially in the context of smaller towns and rural areas. Using the towns of Tillsonburg and Ingersoll in southwestern Ontario’s Oxford County as a case study, this article examines how cycling clubs in these communities were sites of both change and resistance to the prevailing gender norms of the time. Once membership was opened to women, club activities became more heterosocial and less focused on cultivating virulent masculinity, but women were never fully accepted as full-fledged members.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 809-822
Author(s):  
Angelique Leszczawski-Schwerk

This paper will examine processes of democratization and “nationalization” with specific reference to the Second Polish Republic (II Rzeczpospolita) and the interwar period. Starting from a consideration of broader theoretical concepts concerning transformation processes and their relation to the analytical categories of gender and ethnicity, it will discuss the introduction of political rights for women in 1918 as a case study for the role women's suffrage played in the process of democratization. A closer examination of the activity of three selected female members of parliament — a Polish, Jewish, and Ukrainian MP — in the Polish parliament will help to clarify if and how gender and ethnicity mattered in political institutions. It is argued that especially their speeches, by addressing specifically political demands in a certain way, that is, how they spoke in the name of their sex, nation, and ethnicity, show a close interlinkage between democratization and nationalization during the Second Polish Republic. From this will emerge a more general outlook on the extent to which the recognition of women's suffrage molded the basis for equality between women and men, and if the legally guaranteed equality really included all citizens of the Polish state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-293
Author(s):  
Senka Gavranov ◽  
Aleksandra Izgarjan ◽  
Slobodanka Markov

The problem of disproportionate numbers of men and women in the field of mathematics is reflected in a small number of women mathematicians in leading positions in research institutions and universities in the whole world. The studies show that the numbers of women in the field of mathematics becomes progressively lower as they climb the hierarchical ladder on academic and professional level. In our research we applied integrative approach which included collection of data from the interviews conducted with eleven women mathematicians of different age which come from Europe, North America and Australia. We were particularly interested in the strategies the participants used in order to bridge the gender gap in the field of mathematics in which they excelled. The study points to the factors that might explain their dedication to pursue the study of mathematics despite institutional and socio-cultural obstacles they had to surmount.


2019 ◽  
pp. 94-111
Author(s):  
Nicholas Owen

Chapter 6 considers work in the expressive orientation, which concerns the articulation and expression of identities. The dilemma is one of authenticity, and it turns on questions of provenance. When the identity is grounded in shared experiences, needs, and desires, the adherent may be well placed to help. When the experiences, needs, and desires are unshared, she is a less possible and less useful ally. Three approaches are distinguished: disjoint “validation,” in which the adherent attests, on the basis of her expertise, that the claimed identity is valid; conjoint “crossing-over” in which the adherent seeks to share the identity-forming experiences of the constituents; and “self-expression,” in which constituents seek to secure their identities alone. The supporting case study for this chapter contrasts the mobilization of male sympathizers in the Edwardian women’s suffrage movement with their demobilization in the Women’s Liberation Movement of the 1970s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 126 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Constance Akurugu

In this article, I examine the marginalisation and abjection of strongwilled and assertive women in Dagaaba settings in rural north-western Ghana. This is done by paying attention to a local identity category known as pog gandao—‘a woman who is more than a man’. The pog gandao, or what I gloss as the wilful woman, concept is used by men and women locally to stigmatise hard-working and assertive Dagaaba women. Drawing inspiration from the reappropriation and redeployment of queer abjection for the subversion of homophobia and the violence of compulsory heterosexuality, I demonstrate how such naming or shaming into the position of a pog gandao serves to hamper initiatives by enterprising and talented Dagaaba women. Being labelled as pog gandao, it appears, is even to lose one’s status in normative gender presentation as a woman; it means to transcend into a realm beyond the masculine. But this transcendence is not enviable due to its potential to expose the subject in question to perceived supernatural harm, a serious matter in this cultural context whereby the world of human affairs is understood as thoroughly saturated with supernatural forces that structure daily and ritual comportment. I argue that the shaming interpellation of pog gandao works as the most powerful weapon against wilful women in oppressive male-centric institutions of the Dagaaba. And yet, this stigmatised interpellation also has great emancipating potential, and I conclude by exploring ways to reclaim it for undermining female subordination, and for both empowering women and for feminist politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-159
Author(s):  
Hugo Bonin

From 1904 to 1914, the British debate on women’s suffrage was at its height. Suffragism has been the subject of numerous studies, however, few have paid attention to its opponent, “antisuffragism”. This article focuses on antisuffragists’ speeches, pamphlets and books to examine their uses of “democracy” and grasp the conceptual struggles at play. Most “Antis” painted women’s suffrage as a step towards a degenerate democratic society. However, more surprisingly, some also mobilised the democratic vocabulary positively, as a reason to disallow women the vote. Several authors considered that “democracy” rested on the capacity of the majority to impose its decisions through physical force–thus rendering a government elected by women impotent. Politicians also opposed granting women suffrage on a censorial basis since it went against the “democratic spirit of the time”. These findings demonstrate the increased importance of “democracy” in Britain and how a “conservative subversion” of the concept was attempted.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document