Eclipsing council housing

Author(s):  
Brian Lund

This chapter examines the politics involved in local authority housing supply. It records hostility to the idea, especially to subsidised council housing, at the end of the 19th century and Lloyd-George’s crucial role in securing its acceptance in 1918. It charts Conservative attempts to direct state help towards needs arising from slum clearance and its implications for housing form. The politics involved in the growth of council housing in the post Second World War period are examined in relationship to the Conservative revival of the sanitary approach, the protection of rural Britain, high- rise construction and the role of the architectural profession. The political implications of the residualisation of council housing are explored with reference to the image of council housing and attitudes towards its tenants.

Author(s):  
Emiliano Vitti

At the end of September 1939 Polish Campaign opened the Second World War and Germans took control of their portion of territory, according to the German-Soviet agrements of August-September 1939, giving it a juridical, institutional and socialeconomic structure subject to the Reich, with specific functions and aims, as the reorganization of the administrative system through the institution of the General Government of Poland. Nevertheless, every historiographical reflection cannot be separated from the survey of Governor Hans Frank’s role. His position was in fact relevant owing to his cultural and professional education, his loyalty to Hitler, his personal uncertainties, his role of First Reich’s Jurist and private Hitler’s lawyer, before becoming Governor of Poland. The need of a management of Poland with SS caused frictions and jurisdiction conflicts, both at the political-institutional and on a personal level with some of the main responsible officials on behalf of Heinrich Himmler. The analisys of these atypical territorial entity through an approach which was technically correct before humanitarian is basic to understand inner workings and to try to produce a framework of the system as complete as possible about the administration of these sui generis “State”.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Kochan ◽  
Vitalii Kotsur ◽  
Lesya Kovach ◽  
Yurii Nikolaets ◽  
Oleg Kalakura ◽  
...  

The book presents the results of research on the experience of formation, trends, problems and current challenges of scientific knowledge about the place and role of national minorities of Ukraine in the political processes of XX – XXI centuries, namely: a) early XX century, b) during the First World War, Ukrainian revolution and state formation, c) in the interwar period, d) during the Second World War, e) in the Ukrainian SSR 1945-1990, e) in modern Ukraine. The publication is designed for researches, lectures and graduate students.


Author(s):  
Emiliano Vitti

At the end of September 1939 Polish Campaign opened the Second World War and Germans took control of their portion of territory, according to the German-Soviet agrements of August-September 1939, giving it a juridical, institutional and socialeconomic structure subject to the Reich, with specific functions and aims, as the reorganization of the administrative system through the institution of the General Government of Poland. Nevertheless, every historiographical reflection cannot be separated from the survey of Governor Hans Frank’s role. His position was in fact relevant owing to his cultural and professional education, his loyalty to Hitler, his personal uncertainties, his role of First Reich’s Jurist and private Hitler’s lawyer, before becoming Governor of Poland. The need of a management of Poland with SS caused frictions and jurisdiction conflicts, both at the political-institutional and on a personal level with some of the main responsible officials on behalf of Heinrich Himmler. The analisys of these atypical territorial entity through an approach which was technically correct before humanitarian is basic to understand inner workings and to try to produce a framework of the system as complete as possible about the administration of these sui generis “State”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-374
Author(s):  
MARÍA BASTIANES

The return of Celestina to Italian publishing houses during the Second World War has been examined in a series of recent research publications. These studies have not, unfortunately, described in a satisfactory manner the reasons underpinning this interest in a foreign piece; nor have they explained how it came to be one of the most regularly performed Spanish classic texts in twentieth-century Italy. The aim of this article is to settle this critical deficit, taking into account the political, cultural and theatrical contexts which enabled said return. Seen from this broader perspective, the reappearance of Celestina offers testimony to the cultural relationships between Spain and Italy in times of fascism, along with providing ways of approaching and appropriating a morally challenging text. Celestina, I argue, is a particularly revealing case study for understanding the role of classics in the construction of European identity throughout the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Stefano Riccioni

The article studies the editorial series called “Historia Imperii Mediterranei” (HIM) that was directed by Lauro Mainardi, an official of the National Fascist Party, in cooperation with the Armenian Committee of Italy. Between 1939 and 1941, the HIM published a series of booklets entitled Armenia that contained not only articles on Armenia but also “essays on Oriental culture”. According to Mainardi, the HIM had a wide cultural interest in art and architecture but also in literature, poetry, philosophy, and politics. The series published two significant essays: the article by Josef Strzygowski, where he innovatively affirmed the role of the East in Christian art and where he employed “Aryan” racial theory; and Giuseppe Frasson’s article, which shows that Strzygowski was recognised as an innovator but, at the same time, that Byzantine studies in Italy were confined to the nationalistic purpose of affirming ‘Italian’ elements in Roman art. In conclusion, the HIM illustrates the political and cultural strategy of the Fascist party with respect to the Caucasian question in addition to its support of the strategy of the Armenian Committee of Italy for protecting Armenians in Italy before the Second World War.


Author(s):  
David Hardiman

Much of the recent surge in writing about the practice of nonviolent forms of resistance has focused on movements that occurred after the end of the Second World War, many of which have been extremely successful. Although the fact that such a method of civil resistance was developed in its modern form by Indians is acknowledged in this writing, there has not until now been an authoritative history of the role of Indians in the evolution of the phenomenon.The book argues that while nonviolence is associated above all with the towering figure of Mahatma Gandhi, 'passive resistance' was already being practiced as a form of civil protest by nationalists in British-ruled India, though there was no principled commitment to nonviolence as such. The emphasis was on efficacy, rather than the ethics of such protest. It was Gandhi, first in South Africa and then in India, who evolved a technique that he called 'satyagraha'. He envisaged this as primarily a moral stance, though it had a highly practical impact. From 1915 onwards, he sought to root his practice in terms of the concept of ahimsa, a Sanskrit term that he translated as ‘nonviolence’. His endeavors saw 'nonviolence' forged as both a new word in the English language, and as a new political concept. This book conveys in vivid detail exactly what such nonviolence entailed, and the formidable difficulties that the pioneers of such resistance encountered in the years 1905-19.


Author(s):  
Mark Edele

This chapter turns to the present and explains the implications of the current study for the ongoing debate about the Soviet Union in the Second World War and in particular about the role of loyalty and disloyalty in the Soviet war effort. It argues that this study strengthens those who argue for a middle position: the majority of Soviet citizens were neither unquestioningly loyal to the Stalinist regime nor convinced resisters. The majority, instead, saw their interests as distinct from both the German and the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, ideology remains important if we want to understand why in the Soviet Union more resisted or collaborated than elsewhere in Europe and Asia.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-281
Author(s):  
Dubravka Stojanović

AbstractThe author comments on the political and economic options in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic that started at the beginning of 2020. She revisits responses to the crises of the First World War, the Great Crash of 1929, and the Second World War, sorting them into ‘pessimistic’ and ‘optimistic’ responses, and outlining their respective consequences.


Africa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Cinnamon

ABSTRACTThrough narratives of an anti-‘fetish’ movement that swept through north-eastern Gabon in the mid-1950s, the present article traces the contours of converging political and religious imaginations in that country in the years preceding independence. Fang speakers in the region make explicit connections between the arrival of post-Second World War electoral politics, the anti-fetish movements, and perceptions of political weakening and marginalization of their region on the eve of independence. Rival politicians and the colonial administration played key roles in the movement, which brought in a Congolese ritual expert, Emane Boncoeur, and his two powerful spirits, Mademoiselle and Mimbare. These spirits, later recuperated in a wide range of healing practices, continue to operate today throughout northern Gabon and Rio Muni. In local imaginaries, these spirits played central roles in the birth of both regional and national politics, paradoxically strengthening the colonial administration and Gabonese auxiliaries in an era of pre-independence liberalization. Thus, regional political events in the 1950s rehearsed later configurations of power, including presidential politics, on the national stage.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1065-1082 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mila Dragojević

This article examines the role of the intergenerational memory of the Second World War (WWII) in identity formation and political mobilization. An existing explanation in the ethnic-conflict literature is that strategic political leaders play a crucial role in constructing and mobilizing ethnic identities. However, based on 114 open-ended interviews with individuals born in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia, conducted in Serbia during 2008–2011, nearly a third of the respondents make spontaneous references to WWII in their statements, usually drawing parallels between the cycle of violence in the 1990s and that in the 1940s. The question this article asks, then, is why some respondents make references to WWII spontaneously while others do not. It is argued that intergenerational narratives of past cycles of violence also constitute a process of identity formation, in addition to, or apart from, other processes of identity formation. The respondents mention WWII violence in the context of the 1990s events because they “recognize” elements, such as symbols, discourse or patterns of violence, similar to those in the intergenerational narratives and interpret them as warning signs. Hence, individuals who had previously been exposed to intergenerational narratives may be subsequently more susceptible to political mobilization efforts.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document