scholarly journals Art with Revolution! Political mobilization in artistic practices between 1974 and 1977 in Portugal

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (10) ◽  
pp. 3-35
Author(s):  
Cristina Pratas Cruzeiro

This article analyzes the relationship between Portuguese artists and bodies of power and the popular masses after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 and until 1977. The analysis of this period in Portugal will consider the dynamics surrounding socially engaged artistic practices integrated in the public space, within its historic and social framework. The article argues that the Portuguese artistic context under consideration arose from the politicians and artists motivation to bring art and the popular masses closer to the ongoing revolutionary process. In this approach, I identify collaboration as the most frequent attitude used by artists in relation to the political system and population. This approach decreased since 1976, at which time there was an increase in conflict with the political power structures. Regarding the relationship with the population, from that moment on there was also a decrease in the use of collaborative tools and an intensification of transgressive and provocative tools in artisticpractices. These changes will be articulated in the article based on the country’s objective political and social conditions, and their influence on attitudinal nuances identified in the socially engaged artistic practices under analysis.

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


Author(s):  
Guillaume Heuguet

This exploratory text starts from a doctoral-unemployed experience and was triggered by the discussions within a collective of doctoral students on this particularly ambiguous status since it is situated between student, unemployed, worker, self-entrepreneur, citizen-subject of social rights or user-commuter in offices and forms. These discussions motivated the reading and commentary of a heterogeneous set of texts on unemployment, precariousness and the functioning of the institutions of the social state. This article thus focuses on the relationship between knowledge and unemployment, as embodied in the public space, in the relationship with Pôle Emploi, and in the academic literature. It articulates a threefold problematic : what is known and said publicly about unemployment? What can we learn from the very experience of the relationship with an institution like Pôle Emploi? How can these observations contribute to an understanding of social science inquiry and the political role of knowledge fromm precariousness?


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastas Vangeli

The background of the contemporary Macedonian “antiquization” can be found in the nineteenth century and the myth of ancient descent among Orthodox Slavic speakers in Macedonia, adopted partially due to Greek cultural inputs. The idea of Ancient Macedonian nationhood has also been included in the national mythology during the Yugoslav era. An additional factor for its preservation has been the influence of the Macedonian Diaspora. After independence, attempts to use myth of ancient descent had to be abandoned due to political pressure by Greece. Contemporary antiquization on the other hand, has been revived as an efficient tool for political mobilization. It is manifested as a belated invention and mass-production of tradition, carried out through the creation of new ceremonies, interventions in the public space and dissemination of mythological and metaphysical narratives on the origin of the nation. There have also been attempts to scientifically rationalize claims to ancient nationhood. On the political level, the process of antiquization reinforced the political primacy of its promoters, the ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), but had a negative impact on the interethnic relations and the international position of the country.


2018 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Sérgio Silva Borges

RESUMOEste artigo busca analisar a potência política das ruas. Aborda-se, à luz de mobilizações políticas contemporâneas, a transformação de espaços do cotidiano social em recurso para a ação política. Este é o objetivo do texto, analisar, com base em episódios do ciclo de protestos recentes, a exemplo das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, no Brasil, o poder das ruas, sua potência política e a conexão existente entre essas arenas e os espaços de decisão. Acredita-se que certas manifestações políticas transformam logradouros públicos em espaços políticos abertos. Nesse sentido, fez-se uma breve discussão sobre o debate contemporâneo a respeito do espaço público para delinear uma distinção entre esse e o espaço político aberto e problematizar as condições pelas quais espaços de sociabilidade transformam-se em espaços de conflito e ação. Procurou-se, através de um levantamento empírico, explicitar a tensão entre as instituições e as ruas, bem como a potência política dessa última. Notar-se-á que diferentes manifestações políticas criam tipos ou subcategorias de espaços políticos. Palavras-chave: Espaço político; Potência política; Tensão democrática. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to analyze the potential political power of the streets. The approach, in the light of contemporary political mobilizations, is the transformation of social everyday spaces into a resource for political action. This text analyzes the power of the streets based on the cycle of recent protests in Brazil, such as the Journeys of June 2013, as well as their political power and the connection between these arenas and the spaces of decision. It is assumed that certain political manifestations turn public places into open political spaces. In this sense, a brief discussion was made on the contemporary debate about the public space to delineate a distinction between the public space and the open political space in order to problematize the conditions by which spaces of sociability become spaces of conflict and action. Through an empirical survey, it is attempted to explain the tension between institutions and the streets, as well as their the political power. It will be noted that different political manifestations create types or subcategories of political spaces.Keywords: Political space; Political power; Democratic tension.


GEOgraphia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (51) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eryck de Jesus Furtado Batalha

Resumo: Este artigo tem como objetivo estudar a relação entre lugar e espaço público no contexto da realização de Batalhas de MC em praças de Belém, Pará. Justificamos a realização deste trabalho pela necessidade de compreendermos as ações do movimento hip hop a partir das particularidades dos seus sujeitos, aqui analisadas com base nas suas diferenças, portadoras de identidades espaciais afetivas: seus lugares. A complexidade espacial das periferias de Belém sugere que as demandas que surgem das vivências desses sujeitos contêm riquíssimas informações acerca da potencialidade política desses encontros. Foi realizado um levantamento bibliográfico acerca do tema, com o objetivo de obter um panorama do campo de estudos, assim como trabalhos de campo de cunho etnográfico, o que permitiu perceber que o lugar possui destacada importância na realização destes eventos no espaço público, por serem fonte das particularidades que permitirão o encontro de diferenças no espaço, promovendo ações políticas que o definem e reafirmando suas próprias existências. Palavras-Chave: Lugar; Espaço Público; Batalhas de MC. PLACE AND PUBLIC SPACE: THE PRESENCE OF DIFFERENCE IN MC BATTLES IN BELÉM, PARÁ Abstract: This article aims to study the relationship between place and public space in the context of the performance of MC Battles on the streets of Belém, Pará. The accomplishment of this work is justified by the need to understand the actions of the hip hop movement from the particularities of their subjects, in this piece analyzed based on their differences, carrying spacial affective identities: their places. Belém periphery spatial complexity suggests that the demands that arise from the experiences of these subjects hold informations about the political potential of these meetings. Bibliographic survey was carried out about the topic in order to obtain an overview of the field of study and field of ethnographic nature, which allowed us to realize that the place has highlighted importance on achievement of these events in the public space, because they are source of the particularities which allow the differences in space, promoting political actions that defines them and reaffirming their own existance. Keywords: Place; Public Space; MC battles. LUGAR Y ESPACIO PÚBLICO: LA PRESENCIA DE LA DIFERENCIA EN LAS BATALLAS DE MC EN BELÉM, PARÁ Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo estudiar la relación entre lugar y espacio público en el contexto de Batallas de MCs en plazas de Belém, Pará. Justificamos este trabajo por la necesidad de comprender las acciones del movimiento hip hop desde las particularidades de sus sujetos, aquí analizados a partir de sus diferencias, portadoras de identidades espaciales afectivas: sus lugares. La complejidad espacial de las periferias de Belém sugiere que las demandas que surgen de las experiencias de estos sujetos contienen información muy rica sobre el potencial político de estos encuentros. Se realizó un levantamiento bibliográfico sobre el tema, con el objetivo de obtener una visión general del campo de estudio, así como un trabajo de campo de carácter etnográfico, que permitió darnos cuenta que el lugar tiene una importancia destacada en la realización de estos eventos en el espacio público, pues son fuente de las particularidades que permitirán el encuentro de diferencias en el espacio, impulsando acciones políticas que los definan y reafirmando su propia existencia. Palabras clave: Lugar; Espacio Público; Batallas de MC.


Author(s):  
Leonida Tedoldi

This article rethinks the political and institutional causes of the rapid debt growth and its exploitation in the italian “blocked” political system (so-called “First Republic”). Italian State has always lived above its means, with a constant imbalance between income and expenditure and at the same time expanding its distance with respect to society (but the debt was paid by social groups that took advantage of it). This process triggered off a perennial crisis of representation and strengthened the instability of relations between political institutions and society. Therefore, sovereign debt downturns are always crises of institutional legitimization and require a redefinition of the ways in which sovereignty and power are exercised. Thus, the article investigates the impact of the “political use” of the public debt by governments on the relationship between the State and society.


Author(s):  
Ilya Viktorovich Nikolaev

This article raises a problem of existence of the verbal political symbols of autocratic discourse in public space. The hypothesis is advanced that in the conditions of centralization of the Russian political system, forms a specific type of discursive loyalty, interpreted as communicative behavior within the framework of the structure of verbal political symbols set by the official political discourse. The object of this research is the Russian sociopolitical discourse of Russia in the early XXI century. The subject is the instruments of manifestation of discursive loyalty used by public actors. Special attention is turned to the public attitude on verbal symbols of the country’s leader, political parties and bureaucracy in the conditions of centralization and personification of power over the period from 2000 to the present. An attempt is made to formulate the typology of discursive loyalty based on the components of perception of political symbols indicated by R. Cobb and C. Elder. Three basic types of discursive loyalty are defined depending on the dominance of separate components in perception: 1) affective, based on emotional empathy with the content of the discourse of power and its source; 2) cognitive, based on recognition of the relevance of verbal symbols of the discourse of power; 3) analytical, based on rational choice of the verbal symbols of power upon availability of the alternative or evasive option. Types of loyalty are illustrated by examples of discursive behavior of the subjects of civil society of the early XXI century – presidency and prime-ministry of V. V. Putin, whose personal influence actualized the affective type of loyalty, and the results of transformation of the political system led to proliferation of analytical type of loyalty. The author believes that the prevalence of analytical type of discursive loyalty is dangerous for the political system, due to its simulated nature, which creates an illusion of public support.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5(166) ◽  
pp. 133-159
Author(s):  
Tomasz Tulejski

Sir John Fortescue, Chancellor of King Henry VI is the first writer to analyse the political system of England by referring to English political practice. Long before Montesquieu, he noticed the relationship between the political system and the social conditions of his country. Explaining the nature of the English constitution and law, he compare it with the political and legal devices of other countries. That is why he contrasts the systems based on Roman law with English common law. In the article, the author argues that the basis of the Fortescue’s reflection is the rejection of Roman law, because he defends the English political tradition against the continental concept of sovereignty.


1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARY L. VOLCANSEK

This essay traces the development of the power of the Italian Constitutional Court, the political impact of its policies, and its reception by the public and the other institutions of government. The relationship between the Court and Parliament is presented as one characterized by a synchronization of powers, and the Court has demonstrated reluctance to interfere in conflicts among the various branches of the national government. That timidity has not, however, carried over into its treatment of referenda or of national versus regional prerogatives. The Constitutional Court is, according to this analysis, a part of the national governing elite, and its most controversial decisions have been ones safeguarding the interests of that elite. By carefully acting as “quasi-guardians,” the Constitutional Court judges have cemented a solidly positive reputation and nurtured an aura of legitimacy that is rare among Italian political actors.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Valuev ◽  

The article covers the issue of consistency of manifesto texts with a political system underpinned by publicness principles. The ever-increasing production of manifestos witnesses a crisis in the political system which necessitates the investigation of how such texts influence both their readers and public sphere as a whole. The public sphere concept by J. Habermas, perception of policies by J. Ranciere, and dialogue-based approaches of M. Buber and A. Pyatigorsky constitute the basis for analysing structural elements of a manifesto text, and highlighting their core traits shedding light on the relationship between a manifesto text and the public sphere. Through highlighting the three main elements of a manifesto text, i.e. ‘speaking I’, ‘Object’, and ‘Other’, and by clarifying the configuration of interrelations between the elements, the militant message of a manifesto is asserted as the opposite to the dialogue-based foundation of the public sphere. Such texts postulate the necessity both to eliminate the ‘Other’ and to immediately achieve a set objective by way of taking on an active participative position. The latter to be implemented via the ‘speaking I’ replication mechanism, which is expressed through a call for readers to take on the image of the person speaking through the manifesto. Thus, the manifesto becomes both a tool for getting rid of an existing system incapable of satisfying the needs of an actor, and a tool for leveling political space. Manifesto texts demonstrate the monological basis expressed in the postulation of the necessity for action to uncompromisingly transform the world.


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