Die Bundesrepublik - in bester Verfassung?

1989 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-97
Author(s):  
Helmut Simon

Abstract The author believes it tobe one ofthe duties Christians have to accept the state ofthe basic Iaw as a matter of their own concern. This acceptance has a character of critical solidarity with an order needy and capable of improvement. It includes the willingness to cooperate in three tasks: the rejection of falsifications and erosions of essential structural elements in constitutional law, the bridging of the gap between constitutional standard and constitutional reality and the further development ofthe constitutional order in a future-oriented way. The fundamental structural principles of the constitution - the principle of democracy, the concept of a state based on the rule oflaw (Rechtsstaat), and the concept of a social welfare state - are used to illustrate these tasks more thoroughly.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Albina A. Stepanova ◽  

The article is devoted to the issues of defining Russia as a social state. The author reflects on the constitutional amendments, which are designed to ensure the implementation of the basis of the constitutional order of the social state. The article also indicates that some constitutional amendments are deeper in scope and content than previous rules. Thus, the principle of mutual trust between the state and society can act as a fundamental basis for other principles, in particular, for the principle of social solidarity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Casey Ready

Neoliberal policies have created economic disparities and increased the gap between the rich and the poor in Canada. The Mulroney government initiated neoliberal revisions to the Canadian social welfare state as it quietly changed complex regulations that impacted the welfare and well-being of Canadians. This government worked “by stealth” and with little consultation to dismantle key components of the social welfare state, while publicly pronouncing its sacred value. In Ontario, neoliberal policies are identified with the Harris government’s visible and public attack on the poor, on women and on those marginalized by race. The Harris government made significant cuts to services offered by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and, in particular, to women’s organizations and advocacy groups. This paper examines the impact of neoliberalism by exploring changes through such policies in the relationship between the state and non-profit organizations in Ontario. It is based on initial findings from qualitative research conducted in 2010 and 2011 with three YWCA organizations. It characterizes a shift from the way NGO-state relationships were depicted by Katherine Scott in 2003 as a “frayed rope” about to break, to being represented by an image of multiple “tight strings.” This research forms part of a dissertation examining how the neoliberal policies that have reduced government support for, and downloaded responsibilities to, the non-profit sector have affected the capacity of community-based women’s organizations to implement a feminist agenda in their work with women. The timeframe studied, from 2003 to 2008, builds on the now extensive scholarly research on the impact of neoliberal policies that occurred from 1995 to 2003, the years led by Progressive Conservative Premiers Mike Harris and Ernie Eves. It closely examines continuities and discontinuities between the two governments, revealing many dangers for women buried in complex and often misunderstood relationships between non-profit organizations and the state. Des politiques néolibérales ont donné lieu à des disparités économiques et  augmenté l’écart entre les riches et les pauvres du Canada. Le gouvernement Mulroney a entrepris des modifications néolibérales de l’État social providence, et changé des règlements complexes se répercutant sur le bien-être et la qualité de vie des Canadiens. Ce gouvernement a agi furtivement et sans mener de vastes consultations sur le démantèlement des composantes essentielles de l’État social providence, tout en déclarant publiquement sa valeur sacrée. En Ontario, des politiques néolibérales caractérisent l’attaque ouverte et publique menée par le gouvernement Harris contre les démunis, les femmes et les personnes marginalisées par la race. Le gouvernement Harris a fait des coupures significatives dans les services offerts par les organismes non gouvernementaux (ONG), particulièrement les groupes de défense des droits de la femme et les regroupements de femmes. Cette étude porte sur les répercussions du néolibéralisme en se penchant sur les changements apportés par de telles politiques à la relation entre l’État et les organismes à but non lucratif de l’Ontario. Elle est fondée sur les conclusions primaires d’une recherche qualitative menée en 2010 et 2011 auprès de trois organismes de la YWCA faisant une distinction dans la relation entre les ONG et l’État qui, décrite par Katherine Scott en 2003 comme une « corde usée » sur le point de se rompre, s’était détériorée en de multiples « cordons serrés ».Cette étude s’inscrit dans une dissertation portant sur les politiques néolibérales ayant réduit la participation du gouvernement au secteur des organismes à but non lucratif, ainsi que sa délégation constante de ses responsabilités sur ce dernier, et ayant diminué la capacité des organisations communautaires de femmes à mettre en œuvre un agenda féminisme dans le cadre de leurs activités auprès des femmes. La période à l’étude, en l’occurrence 2003 à 2008, s’appuie sur de vastes recherches académiques portant sur l’impact des politiques néolibérales mises en œuvre de 1995 à 2003, années au cours desquelles les Premiers ministres progressistes conservateurs Mike Harris et Ernie Eves étaient au pouvoir. Y sont analysées en détails les différences et la continuité entre les deux gouvernements en et relève de nombreux dangers pour les femmes, dissimulés dans des rapports complexes et souvent mal compris entre les organismes à but non lucratif et l’État.  


Author(s):  
Ludwig Siep

Hegel’s philosophy of the state has been tied to liberal and conservative— and even totalitarian—traditions. In dealing with the state’s reaction to economic crises, it contains elements of the social welfare state as well. This chapter tries to assess to which degree and extent Hegel’s conception of the state can be called “liberal” and “social”—and in which sense it is “ethical.” It tries to elucidate its relation to German constitutional history as well as to the “classicism” of the French revolution. At the same time, the book of 1820–1821 must be integrated into the development of Hegel’s (“pre-Berlin”) political philosophy and read against the background of his mature dialectical logic and ontology. Hegel’s way of reconciling the “principle of particularity” with the “idealization” of the particular moments within the ethical whole separates this conception from modern forms of liberalism as well as from state absolutism.


in education ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Paul Orlowski

This article describes a study that took place in Helsinki, Finland in late 2015. A Canadian education professor conducted individual interviews with Finnish educators: six practicing teachers in Helsinki schools, two education professors at the University of Helsinki, and the advisor to the president of Finland’s teachers’ union. Although all five Nordic countries are known to support the social welfare state, Finland was chosen because it is considered to be the most economically left. The study is an exploration of how Finnish educators consider their role and the role of the school regarding civil society and the commons in Finland. The actual research question for the study was, “How do Finnish educators think about the school’s role in supporting the commons and in fostering social cohesion with immigration?” The nine participants were unanimous in their support of the commons and Finland’s generous social welfare state, apparently the result of a collectivist mentality in Finnish society. However, there appears to be growing social, economic, and political discrimination for immigrants and refugees who look different from White Finns. The six teacher-participants expressed uncertainty around how best to deal with these tensions, and were committed to attempting neutrality in their teaching of these social problems, or perhaps even ignoring them altogether. Despite the small sample set, I believe it represents a cross section of views of educators in contemporary Finland. Recent studies mentioned in the literature review support this position. Some comparisons with similar studies in Canada are briefly mentioned.            Keywords: teaching for social justice; comparative education; Finnish education; controversial issues; Nordic social democracy.


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