scholarly journals The Korean Independence Movement in Hawaii before and after World War I: Focusing on Syngman Rhee and Pak Yong-man

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 165-202
Author(s):  
Myongsob Kim ◽  
Jae Won Park
Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This book is an examination of neoclassical ballet initially in the French context before and after World War I (circa 1905–1944) with close attention to dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar. Since the critical discourses analyzed indulged in flights of poetic fancy a distinction is made between the Lifar-image (the dancer on stage and object of discussion by critics), the Lifar-discourse (the writings on Lifar as well as his own discourse), and the Lifar-person (the historical actor). This topic is further developed in the final chapter into a discussion of the so-called baroque dance both as a historical object and as a motif of contemporary experimentation as it emerged in the aftermath of World War II (circa 1947–1991) in France. Using Lifar as a through-line, the book explores the development of critical ideas of neoclassicism in relation to his work and his drift toward a fascist position that can be traced to the influence of Nietzsche on his critical reception. Lifar’s collaborationism during the Occupation confirms this analysis. The discussion of neoclassicism begins in the final years of the nineteenth-century and carries us through the Occupation; then track the baroque in its gradual development from the early 1950s through the end of the 1980s and early 1990s.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032098767
Author(s):  
Yan–Hong Ye ◽  
Yi-Huang Shih

This study explores the role of John Dewey’s educational philosophy before and after World War I. Before World War I, Dewey’s educational philosophy emphasized individualized and socialized development for learners, importance of children’s education, and encouragement of diverse and creative educational measures. Although these views did not change significantly after World War I, Dewey reflected on the connection between education and social life to allow teachers to fulfill their social responsibilities and to integrate various social issues into teaching regimes to inspire children and create a habit of exploring experience. This study concludes that a democratic education allows children to participate in the problem–solving process, that continuous use of real social issues enhances democratic literacy for children, and that the quality of children’s education depends on teachers’ commitment to social responsibility.


1970 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 207-240
Author(s):  
Павел Роберт Маґочій

AbstractThe Fellow Who Made Himself President of a European Republic. Gregory Ignatius Zhatkovych The study is the first comprehensive biography of Gregory Ignatius Zhatkovych, a Pittsburgh-based lawyer, who in 1918-1919 was instrumental in the creation of Czechoslovakia and the inclusion of its far eastern region, Subcarpathian Rus’/ Ruthenia, into the new country. Until now, information about Gregory Zhatkovych has come primarily from the extensive body of historical literature describing how Subcarpathian Rus’ was incorporated into Czechoslovakia at the close of World War I. The facts related in this literature are more or less the same. Their assessment, however, differs rather substantially depending on the ideological orientation of the authors and / or the time when they were writing. In the above literature Gregory Zhatkovych figures prominently, although until most recently he has been described in very different terms. For some authors, he is hailed as a friend of the young democratic Czechoslovak state. For others, especially those of Marxist persuasion, he is denigrated as a representative of Rusyn-American “bourgeois nationalist organizations”, a “lackey” and “loyal son of American capitalism”, and “an agent of American imperialism”. Finally, there are those who consider Zhatkovych a Carpatho-Rusyn patriot who did his best – but ultimately failed – to as sure that the promises made by the Czechoslovak government for Subcarpathian self-rule would be fulfilled. Despite his historic importance, to date there is no biography of Gregory Zhatkovych other than a few brief encyclopedic entries. Aside from their brevity, these entries generally focus on the few years just after World War I, when he was politically active in Europe. But Zhatkovych had a life both before and after those years as a lawyer and political activist in the United States, in particular in western Pennsylvania. Based on recently uncovered correspondence between Zhatkovych and his wife and between the wife and her sister, as well as unpublished biographical data provided by his surviving family members, the recently published correspondence with President Masaryk, and several rare newspaper reports especially from western Pennsylvania, this is the first study to provide a comprehensive biography that spans Gregory Zhatkovych’s pre- and especially post-World War I career in the United States until his death in 1967.


1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip S. Khoury

It is ironic and perhaps telling that the one national independence movement largely ignored by historians of the Arab Middle East is the Syrian nationalist movement. The irony, of course, is that the birthplace of Arab nationalism was Syria; it was to Damascus that Arab nationalists in Palestine, Iraq and elsewhere looked for inspiration, guidance, and moral support in the interwar period; and out of the Syrian movement sprang the radical nationalism of the Ba'thists. Intellectual histories of the precursors, birth, and content of Arab nationalism abound, and, insofar as these histories deal with the birthplace of Arab nationalism, they must discuss Damascus and Syria just prior to and during World War I. But once the intellectual birth of Arab nationalism has been discussed, interest in the history of Syria wanes to be revived only after World War II, with the emergence of Ba'thism and the military in politics. What follows is by no means a comprehensive analysis of the nature and organization of the Syrian national independence movement; rather, it is a preliminary investigation of some salient characteristics of the politics of Syrian-Arab nationalism in the early years of the French Mandate.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (7) ◽  
pp. 788-809 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. DANIEL GARST

Although the sectoral framework on global commerce and coalition formation provides a better explanation of trade and political alignments in pre-1914 Britain than the Stolper-Samuelson framework, it shares the main shortcoming of the latter when applied to the interwar period. Neither approach explains the restructuring of politics along class lines after 1918. According to the sectoral framework, the continued imperfect mobility of capital and labor and deeper divisions within the business community should have led to greater, not less, cross-class cooperation over trade and trade-related issues. This article extends an earlier critique of the Stolper-Samuelson framework to address this puzzle. It argues that weak worker trade union organization modifies the incentive of business owners to align with labor on trade, even when imperfect capital mobility and divisions in the business community heighten the incentive of capitalists to form lobbying coalitions with labor. In addition to addressing the marked contrast in British politics before and after 1914, this argument has broader comparative implications. In particular, it offers a potential explanation for why pre-World War I Britain was unique, compared with other Western European countries, in being marked by strong business-labor collaboration over trade and political reform.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Katerina Malšina ◽  
Jevgen Sinkevič

DIFFICULT PATH TO DEVELOPING THE IDEA OF A NATION IN THE 20TH CENTURY: PROBLEMS IN FORMING A NATION IN SLOVENIA AND UKRAINE AS SEEN BY AN UKRAINIAN HISTORIANThe article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19thcentury to the end of the 20thcentury. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?


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