scholarly journals Trnova pot razvoja narodne ideje v 20. stoletju: problemi oblikovanja naroda na Slovenskem in v Ukrajini skozi oči ukrajinskega zgodovinarja

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Katerina Malšina ◽  
Jevgen Sinkevič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
European Nation ◽  
Related Idea ◽  
The Difference

DIFFICULT PATH TO DEVELOPING THE IDEA OF A NATION IN THE 20TH CENTURY: PROBLEMS IN FORMING A NATION IN SLOVENIA AND UKRAINE AS SEEN BY AN UKRAINIAN HISTORIANThe article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19thcentury to the end of the 20thcentury. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?

scholarly journals International Recognition and the International Law Status of Poland in the 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Dynia
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Law ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
International Recognition ◽  
The Status

The article concerns international recognition of the Polish state established after World War I in the year 1918, the Polish state and the status of Poland in terms of international law during World War II and after its conclusion until the birth of the Third Polish Republic in the year 1989. A study of related issues confirmed the thesis of the identity and continuity of the Polish state by international law since the year 1918, as solidified in Polish international law teachings, and showed that the Third Polish Republic is, under international law, not a new state, but a continuation of both the Second Polish Republic as well as the People’s Republic of Poland.

The Politically Weak

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-119
Author(s):  
Martin Crotty ◽  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Mark Edele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Democratic Systems

This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.

The Political History of American Food Aid

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Riley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
History Of

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.

Factionalism Among Syrian Nationalists During the French Mandate

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip S. Khoury
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Preliminary Investigation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
World War ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

It is ironic and perhaps telling that the one national independence movement largely ignored by historians of the Arab Middle East is the Syrian nationalist movement. The irony, of course, is that the birthplace of Arab nationalism was Syria; it was to Damascus that Arab nationalists in Palestine, Iraq and elsewhere looked for inspiration, guidance, and moral support in the interwar period; and out of the Syrian movement sprang the radical nationalism of the Ba'thists. Intellectual histories of the precursors, birth, and content of Arab nationalism abound, and, insofar as these histories deal with the birthplace of Arab nationalism, they must discuss Damascus and Syria just prior to and during World War I. But once the intellectual birth of Arab nationalism has been discussed, interest in the history of Syria wanes to be revived only after World War II, with the emergence of Ba'thism and the military in politics. What follows is by no means a comprehensive analysis of the nature and organization of the Syrian national independence movement; rather, it is a preliminary investigation of some salient characteristics of the politics of Syrian-Arab nationalism in the early years of the French Mandate.

The International Court as Constitutional Court and the Blurring of the Arbitral/Judicial Processes

1993 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward McWhinney
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
International Court

The institutionalization of international conflict-resolution on a third-party basis, with the creation of a Permanent Court of Arbitration, was one of the high hopes of the political leaders at the First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. In the early phase, from creation of the Court in 1902 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914, 17 cases were initiated before the Court. There was a quite understandable gap, through the War years, until 1921; and then, in the decade until 1931,7 further cases were brought before the Court. This was followed by another awkward hiatus as to cases throughout the 1930s, apparently because of the renewed international tensions in Europe that culminated in World War II. There were no cases before the Court during the War years, the seat of the Court being under belligerent occupation for most of that time. The fact remains, however, that since World War II and, indeed, since 1931, there have been only two cases (both minor ones) brought before the Court, (or three, if we accept the Court Registry's retroactive classification, in its 1990 Annual Report, of the continuing Iran-US Claims Tribunal, which had begun its work in 1981, as one of its own cases).

scholarly journals Sanatoria in the first half of the XX century in the province of Vojvodina

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusanka Dobanovacki ◽  
Milan Breberina ◽  
Bozica Vujosevic ◽  
Marija Pecanac ◽  
Nenad Zakula ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
The City

Following the shift in therapy of tuberculosis in the mid-19th century, by the beginning of the 20th century numerous tuberculosis sanatoria were established in Western Europe. Being an institutional novelty in the medical practice, sanatoria spread within the first 20 years of the 20th century to Central and Eastern Europe, including the southern region of the Panonian plain, the present-day Province of Vojvodina in Serbia north of the rivers Sava and Danube. The health policy and regulations of the newly built state - the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia, provided a rather liberal framework for introducing the concept of sanatorium. Soon after the World War I there were 14 sanatoria in this region, and the period of their expansion was between 1920 and 1939 when at least 27 sanatoria were founded, more than half of the total number of 46 sanatoria in the whole state in that period. However, only two of these were for pulmonary diseases. One of them was privately owned the open public sanatorium the English-Yugoslav Hospital for Paediatric Osteo-Articular Tuberculosis in Sremska Kamenica, and the other was state-run (at Iriski venac, on the Fruska Gora mountain, as a unit of the Department for Lung Disease of the Main Regional Hospital). All the others were actually small private specialized hospitals in 6 towns (Novi Sad, Subotica, Sombor, Vrbas, Vrsac, Pancevo,) providing medical treatment of well-off, mostly gynaecological and surgical patients. The majority of sanatoria founded in the period 1920-1939 were in or close to the city of Novi Sad, the administrative headquarters of the province (the Danube Banovina at that time) with a growing population. A total of 10 sanatoria were open in the city of Novi Sad, with cumulative bed capacity varying from 60 to 130. None of these worked in newly built buildings, but in private houses adapted for medical purpose in accordance with legal requirements. The decline of sanatoria in Vojvodina began with the very outbreak of the World War II and they never regained their social role. Soon after the Hungarian fascist occupation the majority of owners/ founders were terrorized and forced to close their sanatoria, some of them to leave country and some were even killed or deported to concentration camps.

scholarly journals Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Билјана [Biljana] Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska]
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Political Events ◽  
National Question

The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.

scholarly journals Secular Changes in Male Body Height in the European Part of Russia during the 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Lidia Lebedeva ◽  
Yulia Kucherova ◽  
Elena Godina
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Growth Curve ◽  
Body Height ◽  
European Part ◽  
Full Description ◽  
Male Body ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Transformations

Significant political and economic transformations took place on the territory of contemporary Russia in the first part of the 20th century. We hypothesized that they would have affected male growth curve negatively. To test this idea, the dataset was collected to present the graph, which illustrates the changes in male body height during the 20th century. We searched for bibliographic sources with information about body height of men and women born during the 20th century, with full description of measurement methodology, sample design and significant geographical distribution of the dataset covering more than 15 territories of the country – cities or regions. Such criteria were met only for men. We found only 8 sources that could be considered reliable in the research. The observed graph confirms positive changes in male body height on the territory of the European part of contemporary Russia: for those, who were born in 1900‘s it was 166.1 cm, in 1920s – 166.5 cm, in 1940s – 171 cm, in 1960s – 174.8 cm and in 1980s the indicator reached 176.1 cm. No significant negative changes in this indicator have been found during the studied period. The primary hypothesis that political and socio-economic transformations affect male growth curve negatively was confirmed only partly. We concluded that unfavorable political and socio-economic events (such as revolutions, World War I and World War II, purges and famines) influenced the pace of body height increase in men. While the main period of secular trend was fixed in the first decades of the 20th century in Germany, Netherlands and France, in this part of Russia it occurred later, in 1930–1960s. However, the total increase in male height was very similar for all mentioned territories (9–11 cm) during 1900–1980’s.

THE MORTAR OF THE BRICS: THE UNTOLD NARRATIVE OF A POLITICAL ALLIANCE

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 53558-53572
Author(s):  
Rafael Cordovil de Souza Almeida
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World Politics ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Master Narrative ◽  
World War ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Political Narrative ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The Difference

This article argues that BRICS is a political alliance. In order to comprehend the BRICS as a political alliance, one has to distinguish the difference between the master narrative of the BRICs from what is being hereby denominated the political narrative of the BRICS. The master narrative was fabricated by Jim O’Neill in 2001 and is vastly discussed in the economics’ literature, while the political narrative, despite being under edification has its origin traced to the 61st UN General Assembly session that took place on September 23rd 2006. It was only in 2006 when the states that compose the BRICs declared openly its desire to gain power in the international arena in order to attempt to redesign the balance of world politics. The addition of South Africa in 2011 supports the alliance’s geopolitical stance on international politics. The main mortar of the BRICS is founded on the fear that any power may pursue its national interests by acting unilaterally as the alliance perceives unilateralism as a behavior that jeopardizes the post World War II order, and consequently, may also threaten security of the members of the BRICS. This is the main logic behind the BRICS discourse.

Fifty Troubled Years: The Story of the Burgenland

1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Karl R. Stadler
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Natural Capital ◽  
The Political ◽  
Actual Situation ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
World War ◽  
The People ◽  
German Speaking

Most Austrians believe that in making countless policy decisions relating to Austria after World War I the Allies only twice demonstrated an awareness of the actual situation in Austria and took into account the wishes of the people: (1) when they determined to subject the conflicting claims to the Klagenfurt Basin to the test of a plebiscite; and (2) when they transferred the German-speaking areas of West Hungary to Austria without a plebiscite. However, although the creation of the Burgenland was commemorated in 1971 at numerous semicentennial celebrations in all parts of the country, the official speeches stressing the progress and the achievements of Austria's youngest province, no matter how tactful they were, could not entirely blot out memories of the bitter and bloody struggles of fifty years ago. The refusal of Hungary in her hour of humiliation to give up another piece of national territory; the political intrigues and military operations around the disputed borders; the fraudulent plebiscite in Ödenburg, as a result of which the new province lost its natural capital; and the Hungarian government's diplomatic efforts almost up to the outbreak of World War II to undo the Treaties of St. Germain and Trianon are all too much a part of Austrian history to be passed over in silence.

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