scholarly journals Legal Protection of Property Rights in the Self-Regulating United States Local Recording System

Author(s):  
Charles Szypszak

In all legal systems with private property, the government provides a mechanism for owners and lenders to make a public record of their rights. In most countries, the gov-ernment restricts access to this public record and allows entries into it only after a public official approves it. By contrast, no government entity in the United States regulates, confirms, or guarantees the typical real estate ownership transfer. How this works is not readily understood even within the United States, where owners and lenders rely on attorneys and other professionals to examine and understand the public record and to record instruments that protect their clients’ property rights. This article describes the laws and legal customs that underlie this self-regulating system, including how they dif-fer fundamentally from land registration in other countries, and the emerging challenges to its reliability.

Author(s):  
Caitlyn Ashley ◽  
Elizabeth Spencer Berthiaume ◽  
Philip Berzin ◽  
Rikki Blassingame ◽  
Stephanie Bradley Fryer ◽  
...  

Eminent Domain is the power of the government or quasi-government entities to take private or public property interests through condemnation. Eminent Domain has been a significant issue since 1879 when, in the case of Boom Company v. Patterson, the Supreme Court first acknowledged that the power of eminent domain may be delegated by state legislatures to agencies and non-governmental entities. Thus, the era of legal takings began. Though an important legal dispute then, more recently eminent domain has blossomed into an enduring contentious social and political problem throughout the United States. The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution states, “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Thus, in the wake of the now infamous decision in Kelo v. City of New London, where the Court upheld the taking of private property for purely economic benefit as a “public use,” the requirement of “just compensation” stands as the primary defender of constitutionally protected liberty under the federal constitution. In response to Kelo, many state legislatures passed a variety of eminent domain reforms specifically tailoring what qualifies as a public use and how just compensation should be calculated. Texas landowners recognize that the state’s population is growing at a rapid pace. There is an increasing need for more land and resources such as energy and transportation. But, private property rights are equally important, especially in Texas, and must be protected as well. Eminent domain and the condemnation process is not a willing buyer and willing seller transition; it is a legally forced sale. Therefore, it is necessary to consider further improvements to the laws that govern the use of eminent domain so Texas landowners can have more assurance that this process is fair and respectful of their private property rights when they are forced to relinquish their land. This report compiles statutes and information from the other forty-nine states to illustrate how they address key eminent domain issues. Further, this report endeavors to provide a neutral third voice in Texas to strike a more appropriate balance between individual’s property rights and the need for increased economic development. This report breaks down eminent domain into seven major topics that, in addition to Texas, seemed to be similar in many of the other states. These categories are: (1) Awarding of Attorneys’ Fee; (2) Compensation and Valuation; (3) Procedure Prior to Suit; (4) Condemnation Procedure; (5) What Cannot be Condemned; (6) Public Use & Authority to Condemn; and (7) Abandonment. In analyzing these seven categories, this report does not seek to advance a particular interest but only to provide information on how Texas law differs from other states. This report lays out trends seen across other states that are either similar or dissimilar to Texas, and additionally, discusses interesting and unique laws employed by other states that may be of interest to Texas policy makers. Our research found three dominant categories which tend to be major issues across the country: (1) the awarding of attorneys’ fees; (2) the valuation and measurement of just compensation; and (3) procedure prior to suit.


1982 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia R. Schwendinger ◽  
Herman Schwendinger

Historical developments in rape laws argue against the now-popular notion that the law, which originally protected property, continues to protect male property rights. Also, these developments have been strongly influenced by modes of production, but the law cannot be adequately understood by reducing the property relationships in volved simply to the possession of women by men. While this restrict ed use of the term property may be somewhat meaningful when refer ring to slave societies, it is not very useful when dealing with kinship societies, emerging feudal class distinctions, colonial relationships, or personal dependency relations in the modern American home. Ex amples of rape laws in a variety of contemporary and historical social formations are given, and especially noted is the general trend toward recognition of women's legal rights in the United States.


Author(s):  
Rika Githamala Ginting

The prospectus document is given as a consideration for the franchisee whether they want to participate in operating the franchise or not. Apart from being used as a medium to find out information about franchises, this prospectus is also a form of legal protection for franchisees. Article 7 of the Government Regulation on franchising regulates clauses that must be included in the prospectus. The regulations governing minimal clauses in this prospectus are quite minimal. Compared to the United States, which is the originating country for franchising and Australia, which follows the United States in regulating its franchises, Indonesia is still far behind in the preparation of its prospectus documents. The method used is the legal comparative research method because it is used to compare regulations in a country with other countries. The research results show that each prospectus minimum clause in Indonesia has its own objectives in terms of protecting prospective franchisees and franchisees. There are differences between the clauses that must be listed in the prospectus in the United States, Australia and Indonesia, where there are clauses that are regulated in the United States and Australia which are not regulated in the minimum clause of the prospectus in Indonesia, although there are differences, but there are also clauses that are the same regulated in the three countries, it's just that the explanation of the provisions has differences. Regarding whether Indonesia's prospectus is capable of, Indonesia's minimum clause has not been able to provide protection for franchisees in Indonesia.   


Author(s):  
Noel Maurer

Throughout the twentieth century, the U.S. government willingly deployed power, hard and soft, to protect American investments all around the globe. Why did the United States get into the business of defending its citizens' property rights abroad? This book looks at how modern U.S. involvement in the empire business began, how American foreign policy became increasingly tied to the sway of private financial interests, and how postwar administrations finally extricated the United States from economic interventionism, even though the government had the will and power to continue. The book examines the ways that American investors initially influenced their government to intercede to protect investments in locations such as Central America and the Caribbean. Costs were small—at least at the outset—but with each incremental step, American policy became increasingly entangled with the goals of those they were backing, making disengagement more difficult. The book discusses how, all the way through the 1970s, the United States not only failed to resist pressure to defend American investments, but also remained unsuccessful at altering internal institutions of other countries in order to make property rights secure in the absence of active American involvement. Foreign nations expropriated American investments, but in almost every case the U.S. government's employment of economic sanctions or covert action obtained market value or more in compensation—despite the growing strategic risks. The advent of institutions focusing on international arbitration finally gave the executive branch a credible political excuse not to act. The book cautions that these institutions are now under strain and that a collapse might open the empire trap once more.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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