scholarly journals BIBLICKÁ BABYLONSKÁ VEŽA A ANTICKÍ ĽUDIA. HĽADANIE VLASTNÝCH PREDKOV V STREDOVEKU

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
RYSZARD GRZESIK
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Trojan War ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Medieval Chronicles ◽  
The Common ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
Medieval Historiography ◽  
The Way

The article is a presentation of ethnogenesis of Slavs in the view of medieval chronicles. Hungarian medieval historiography served as a starting point of the reflection. The author describes how national “Prehistory” was presented in Hungarian chronicles and compares them with the general tendencies in medieval historiography to show the way in which native origins were created. It was a search for a common ascendant of the European people based on the Bible figure of Japhet and the way in which this tradition is related to facts known from ancient history (like the Trojan War) as well as geographical description based on ancient erudition. It was the common explanation of native origins in the entire Western and Eastern Christianity.As a result, the culture of medieval and Pre-Modern Europe united despite the political divisions.

scholarly journals Litteratur og politik

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (104) ◽  
pp. 148-165
Author(s):  
Frederik Tygstrup ◽  
Isak Winkel Holm
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Form And Function ◽  
Symbolic Forms ◽  
Representational Practices ◽  
The World ◽  
Cultural Poetics ◽  
The Common ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Way

Literature and PoliticsLiterature is political by representing the world. The production of literature is a contribution to a general cultural poetics where images of reality are constructed and circulated. At the same time, the practice of literature is institutionalized in such a way that the form and function of the images of reality it produces are conceived and used in a distinctive way. In this article, we suggest distinguishing between a general cultural poetics and a specific literary poetics by using Ernst Cassirer’s neo-Kantian concept of »symbolic forms«. We argue that according to this view, the political significance of literary representational practices resides in the way they activate a common cultural repertoire of historical symbolic forms while at the same time deviating from the common ways of treating these forms.

scholarly journals Mikołaj Rej jako wzorzec dla pisarza Józefa Wereszczyńskiego (syna podsędka chełmskiego)

2008 ◽  
pp. 223-240
Author(s):  
Halina Wiśniewska ◽  
Keyword(s):  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The Subject

The subject of the article is the political-moral treatise by Józef Wereszczyński entitled “Reguła to jest nauka abo postępek dobrego życia króla każdego chrześcijańskiego” from 1587 as the imitation of ”Żywot człowieka poćciwego” by Mikołaj Rej. In the 16th century, imitation (following a model) was valued art of writing. That is why J. Wereszczyński repeats M. Rej’s “Żywot” on 40 out of the 86 pages of “Reguły”. Both works are juxtaposed and compared by the author in philological terms to show how J. Wereszczyński, writing his treatise, imitated M. Rej’s work. Such issues as, inter alia, those referring to the titles and contents of the chapters, text composition, the names of the characters – exempla from the “Bible” and ancient history, have been analyzed therein. What is more, the article also presents the chapter on justice from “Reguły” and “Żywot” to show J. Wereszczyński’s imitation in a better way.

Taming the Father: John Locke's Critique of Patriarchal Fatherhood

1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foster
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Radical Character ◽  
Divine Order ◽  
The Way

This article demonstrates the radical character of Locke's attack on patriarchalism in the TwoTreatises of Government, in part by showing that that attack implies the rejection of the natural and divine order to which patriarchalism appealed to justify itself. In this way, Locke's attack on patriarchalism, which prepared the way for his individualistic liberal politics, is also shown to be an important part of his solution to the political problem of religion. Special attention is given to Locke's disagreement with the Bible concerning the family and its place in political life.

scholarly journals GAGASAN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID TENTANG PENGEMBANGAN PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN (1970-1980)

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Slamet Untung
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Educational Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
Research Show ◽  
The Way

The major problem of this article is how Abdurrahman Wahid’s ideas on developing pesantren education. It is elaborated into major sub-problems, namely the pesantren existence in the political frame of the New Order in the decades of 1970s and 1980s, Abdurrahman Wahid’s view on pesantren, and on the framework of developing pesantren education. This research is designed as qualitative one using hermeneutic and content analysis approaches. The findings of this research show that the phenomena of inability of pesantren in facing the New Order power, the policies of non pro-pesantren regime, and political suppression and systematical marginalization to pesantren done by the New Order regime in the decades of 1970s and 1980s became the factors that opened the way for the emergence of pesantren educational development ideas. Meanwhile, the common manifestations of the stagnant and apprehensive pesantren conditions were the internal factors encountered by pesantren at that time. To change these pesantren conditions, innovative ideas, namely “pesantren dynamicization” was introduced.<br />---<br /><br />Masalah utama tulisan ini adalah bagaimana gagasan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Hal ini diuraikan menjadi sub-masalah utama, yaitu keberadaan pesantren dalam kerangka politik Orde Baru dalam dekade 1970-an dan 1980an, pandangan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pesantren, dan dalam rangka pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Penelitian ini dirancang secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan analisis hermeneutik dan isi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa fenomena ketidakmampuan pesantren dalam menghadapi kekuasaan Orde Baru, kebijakan rezim non pro-pesantren, dan penekanan politik dan marginalisasi sistemik terhadap pesantren yang dilakukan oleh rezim Orde Baru pada dekade 1970-an dan 1980 menjadi faktor yang membuka jalan bagi kemunculan gagasan pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Sementara itu, manifestasi umum dari kondisi pesantren yang stagnan dan memprihatinkan adalah faktor internal yang dihadapi pesantren saat itu. Untuk mengubah kondisi pesantren ini, maka ide inovatif, yaitu “dinamika pesantren” diperkenalkan.

scholarly journals Judicial diversity, the woman judge and fairy tale endings

Legal Studies ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Rackley
Keyword(s):  
Fairy Tales ◽  
Fairy Tale ◽  
Common Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Narrative Strategies ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Rational Thought ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
Woman Judge

The story of the woman judge as one of exclusion and isolation plagued with allegations of bias is well documented. Interestingly, despite significant differences in time and place, a common theme unites these tales: the woman judge is a dangerous outsider, a threat to the aesthetic norm. The judicial climate, at least in most of the common law world, is somewhat chilly: reactions to her presence on the bench vary from the largely indifferent to the downright hostile. Why is this? After all, most people, perhaps acknowledging the political and democratic gains underlying calls for a more representative judiciary, would wish to encourage – or at least not discourage – judicial diversity.Taking the stories of the woman judge as its starting point, this paper contends that underlying these tales is an image of the judge that is as much intuitive as it is reasoned; that our understanding of the judge and judging is as much derived from the imagination as from what is conventionally considered as rational thought. Thus, the paper deploys the narrative strategies of fairy tales in an attempt to disrupt the imaginative hold of familiar yet particular images that infuse and distort current discourses on adjudication. It suggests that despite the Department for Constitutional Affairs’ ongoing quest to increase diversity within the judiciary, current initiatives do not confront fully these instinctive images. As a result, their narrative of inclusiveness and difference fails. In response, the paper appeals to the imagination as a route toward engendering new conceptions on the judge and judging, the possibility of truly diverse judiciaries and, perhaps, a fairy tale ending to the woman judge’s story.

Sallust and Dissimulatio

1959 ◽  
Vol 49 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
A. R. Hands
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Sufficient Evidence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common ◽  
Annus Mirabilis ◽  
The Way

Among much else that has been written on Sallust recently, we have been informed or reminded of his ‘deep antipathy’ for Cicero among the political figures of his own day (Syme, Tacitus, 1958, 203), whilst it is Scaurus ‘whom he hates especially’ (K. von Fritz, TAPh. A 74, 1943, 145) of the nobility of the Jugurthine War period. We believe these two judgments to be essentially correct, although ‘hatred’ for one who was not a contemporary is perhaps too strong a term in the case of Scaurus. In the case of Cicero, indeed, it is still a matter for argument how far a dislike on Sallust's part is revealed in the Catilina, which we do not propose to re-argue; for us, not only Sallust's ‘curious and elaborate creation of an anti-Ciceronian style’ (Syme, l.e., cf. E. Sikes, CAH IX, 769), but still more the way in which he deliberately proceeds to glorify Caesar and Cato in Cicero's annus mirabilis seems sufficient evidence of his attitude to the latter; nor should the –Invective necessarily be rejected as evidence, however much we may doubt its authen-ticity, since even a bogus document must be basically plausible if it is to gain any acceptance. Our purpose here, rather, is to seek the common ground of Sallust's dislikes; to suggest that the attitude of Sallust to Cicero may help to explain his hostile representation of Scaurus and that, by a corollary, the latter confirms the former.

scholarly journals Lo político y los procesos de identificación

2020 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sebastián Barros
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Premier Lieu ◽  
New Space ◽  
The Common ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

El objetivo de este artículo es problematizar la manera en que la emergencia de demandas y su inscripción de un nuevo espacio de representación pueden dislocar el carácter instituyente de la política. En primer lugar, plantea que lo político opera sobre los límites del demos, expandiendo o restringiendo las diferencias, contadas como diferencias significativas en la comunidad. En segundo lugar, argumenta que esa cuenta se estructura a través de la asignación de ciertas capacidades sensibles a las diferencias que pueden significar un cambio respecto a la definición de lo común de la comunidad. En tercer lugar, el artículo señala que ese reparto de lo sensible está vinculado a un sujeto que puede hablar y ser escuchado en tanto portador de una palabra legítima, una diferencia que puede decir la verdad a través de prácticas parresiastas. En un contexto en el que todo el mundo puede hablar, porque la institucionalidad democrática así lo determina, aparece el riesgo de una mala parrhesía y de que se pierda la oportunidad de identificar la palabra veraz, dispersa en la masa.Palabras clave: Identidades, Estética, ParrhesíaThe political and the identification processesAbstractThe objective of this article is to problematize the way in which the emergence of lawsuits and their inscription of a new space of representation can dislocate the instituting character of politics. First, it lays out that the political operates on the limits of the demos, expanding or restricting the differences, counted as significant differences in the community. Second, it argues that this account is structured through the allocation of certain capacities sensitive to the differences that can mean a change with respect to the definition of the common of the community. Third, the article points out that this distribution of the sensible is linked to a subject who can speak and be heard as the bearer of a legitimate word, a difference that can tell the truth through parresiastas practices. In a context in which everyone can speak, because the democratic institutionality so determines, the risk of bad parrhesia appears and that the opportunity to identify the truthful word, dispersed in the mass, is lost.Keywords: Identities, Aesthetics, ParrhesiaLe politique et les processus d’identificationRésuméL’objectif de cet article est de problématiser la manière dans laquelle l’émergence de demandes et leur inscription d’un nouvel espace de représentation peut disloquer le caractère instituant qui possède la politique. En premier lieu, il propose que le politique opère sur les limites des demos, en étendant ou en restreignant les différences qui sont comptées comme des différences significatives dans la communauté.  En deuxième lieu, il argumente que cette compte-là est structurée à travers l’assignation de certaines capacités sensibles aux différences qui peuvent signifier un changement concernant la définition du courant de la communauté. En troisième lieu, l’article signale que cette répartition du sensible est liée à un sujet qui peut parler et peut être écouté en tant que porteur d’une parole légitime, une différence qui peut dire la vérité à travers les pratiques  parrhésistes.Dans un contexte dans lequel tout le monde peut parler, parce que l’institutionnalité démocratique ainsi le détermine, il apparaît le risque d’une mauvaise parrhésie et que la chance d’identifier le mot véridique se perde, dispersé dans la masse.Mots clé: Identités, Esthétique, Parrhésie

Mimesis and Attention: On Christian Sophrosyne

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-274
Keyword(s):  
Vantage Point ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Written Texts ◽  
The Common ◽  
Bernard Stiegler ◽  
Do So ◽  
The Way

One might well wonder about the source of Girard’s knowledge. Where is it thought to have come from in the first place? From what vantage point are we supposed to be surveying the events he claims are originary? And what, then, is the condition for the very possibility of his Christian wisdom? In this paper, I argue that we can put forward a tentative solution by looking at one particular aspect of all the texts that Girard has interpreted: they are all written texts. Analyzing this in detail with the assistance of the proposals of Bernard Stiegler, I will claim that it is writing itself that has afforded us the possibility of paying attention. Moreover, in the second section, I shall also put forward an analysis of the gnoseological condition of the possibility of Christian wisdom. To do so, I expand on Stiegler’s reading of Kant’s notion of schema focusing on its relation with the hermeneutical notion of figura, as presented by Erich Auerbach. Commenting on the common rhetorical setting of both the Critique of Pure Rea- son and the Bible, I then show that these two written texts address a very similar problem—a critique of the way people judge—and also put forward, surprisingly, much the same solution: to properly judge, it would be better to take into account past examples of judgments and consider that, no matter whether we critique them or not, they will schematize our own experiences and influence our intentionality.

Political Theory beyond the Rhetoric–Reason Divide: Hobbes, Semantic Indeterminacy, and Political Order

2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-580
Author(s):  
Daniel Skinner
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common View ◽  
Semantic Indeterminacy ◽  
The Common ◽  
Rational Order ◽  
The Way ◽  
Political Logic

AbstractThis article engages the longstanding debate over Hobbes's use of rhetoric, with the aim of rethinking both the political logic ofLeviathanand the way contemporary theorists approach rhetoric in relation to reason. Rhetoric was a particularly acute problem for Thomas Hobbes, whose pursuit of a stable political order may appear to require the absence of rhetoric and the presence of a purely rational order. This appearance is misleading, and it is suggested therefore that political theorists rethink how they understand rhetoric to grasp more fully Hobbes's understanding of political order. The common view that Hobbes resolves the problem of semantic indeterminacy must be questioned. Hobbes in effect understands that stable meaning structures are impossible to attain, even under Leviathan. This reworking suggests the need for refining our understanding of Hobbes, who envisions political order not by privileging reason over rhetoric, but by moving beyond engagements with language altogether.

scholarly journals The fight against the ‘anti-nation’ as a historical mission: the delegitimization of the enemy in Italian Fascism and Spanish Fascism

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-463
Author(s):  
Giorgia Priorelli
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Goal ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
National Values ◽  
The Common ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
The Way

For the Italian Partito Nazionale Fascista (Pnf) and the Falange Española (Fe), the political community coincided with the nation, conceived not as an undifferentiated conglomeration of citizens but as a community of believers in a ‘religion of the Fatherland’. The common goal of the Italian and the Spanish fascists, since their appearance on the political scene of their respective countries, was the defence of national values. But the claim to being the only and exclusive representatives of those values denied any effective freedom of dissent, even to those who respected national values but intended them in a different way. This article will analyse how the ideologues of the Pnf and the Fe articulated their respective campaigns against the anti-national enemies in order to legitimise their own parties and pave the way to the effective realization of their own nations: nations that had to be clearly and totally fascist.

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