scholarly journals Lo político y los procesos de identificación

2020 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sebastián Barros
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Premier Lieu ◽  
New Space ◽  
The Common ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

El objetivo de este artículo es problematizar la manera en que la emergencia de demandas y su inscripción de un nuevo espacio de representación pueden dislocar el carácter instituyente de la política. En primer lugar, plantea que lo político opera sobre los límites del demos, expandiendo o restringiendo las diferencias, contadas como diferencias significativas en la comunidad. En segundo lugar, argumenta que esa cuenta se estructura a través de la asignación de ciertas capacidades sensibles a las diferencias que pueden significar un cambio respecto a la definición de lo común de la comunidad. En tercer lugar, el artículo señala que ese reparto de lo sensible está vinculado a un sujeto que puede hablar y ser escuchado en tanto portador de una palabra legítima, una diferencia que puede decir la verdad a través de prácticas parresiastas. En un contexto en el que todo el mundo puede hablar, porque la institucionalidad democrática así lo determina, aparece el riesgo de una mala parrhesía y de que se pierda la oportunidad de identificar la palabra veraz, dispersa en la masa.Palabras clave: Identidades, Estética, ParrhesíaThe political and the identification processesAbstractThe objective of this article is to problematize the way in which the emergence of lawsuits and their inscription of a new space of representation can dislocate the instituting character of politics. First, it lays out that the political operates on the limits of the demos, expanding or restricting the differences, counted as significant differences in the community. Second, it argues that this account is structured through the allocation of certain capacities sensitive to the differences that can mean a change with respect to the definition of the common of the community. Third, the article points out that this distribution of the sensible is linked to a subject who can speak and be heard as the bearer of a legitimate word, a difference that can tell the truth through parresiastas practices. In a context in which everyone can speak, because the democratic institutionality so determines, the risk of bad parrhesia appears and that the opportunity to identify the truthful word, dispersed in the mass, is lost.Keywords: Identities, Aesthetics, ParrhesiaLe politique et les processus d’identificationRésuméL’objectif de cet article est de problématiser la manière dans laquelle l’émergence de demandes et leur inscription d’un nouvel espace de représentation peut disloquer le caractère instituant qui possède la politique. En premier lieu, il propose que le politique opère sur les limites des demos, en étendant ou en restreignant les différences qui sont comptées comme des différences significatives dans la communauté.  En deuxième lieu, il argumente que cette compte-là est structurée à travers l’assignation de certaines capacités sensibles aux différences qui peuvent signifier un changement concernant la définition du courant de la communauté. En troisième lieu, l’article signale que cette répartition du sensible est liée à un sujet qui peut parler et peut être écouté en tant que porteur d’une parole légitime, une différence qui peut dire la vérité à travers les pratiques  parrhésistes.Dans un contexte dans lequel tout le monde peut parler, parce que l’institutionnalité démocratique ainsi le détermine, il apparaît le risque d’une mauvaise parrhésie et que la chance d’identifier le mot véridique se perde, dispersé dans la masse.Mots clé: Identités, Esthétique, Parrhésie

The Place of Interests in Hobbes’s Civil Science

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-128
Author(s):  
Elliott Karstadt
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Civil Science ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Way

Many scholars argue that Hobbes’s political ideas do not significantly develop between The Elements of Law (1640) and Leviathan (1651). This article seeks to challenge that assumption by studying the way in which Hobbes’s deployment of the vocabulary of ‘interest’ develops over the course of the 1640s. The article begins by showing that the vocabulary is newly important in Leviathan, before attempting a ‘Hobbesian definition’ of what is meant by the term. We end by looking at the impact that the vocabulary has on two key areas of Hobbes’s philosophy: his theory of counsel and his arguments in favour of monarchy as the best form of government. In both areas, Hobbes’s conception of ‘interests’ is shown to be of crucial importance in lending a new understanding of the political issue under consideration.

scholarly journals Litteratur og politik

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (104) ◽  
pp. 148-165
Author(s):  
Frederik Tygstrup ◽  
Isak Winkel Holm
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Form And Function ◽  
Symbolic Forms ◽  
Representational Practices ◽  
The World ◽  
Cultural Poetics ◽  
The Common ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Way

Literature and PoliticsLiterature is political by representing the world. The production of literature is a contribution to a general cultural poetics where images of reality are constructed and circulated. At the same time, the practice of literature is institutionalized in such a way that the form and function of the images of reality it produces are conceived and used in a distinctive way. In this article, we suggest distinguishing between a general cultural poetics and a specific literary poetics by using Ernst Cassirer’s neo-Kantian concept of »symbolic forms«. We argue that according to this view, the political significance of literary representational practices resides in the way they activate a common cultural repertoire of historical symbolic forms while at the same time deviating from the common ways of treating these forms.

scholarly journals GAGASAN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID TENTANG PENGEMBANGAN PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN (1970-1980)

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Slamet Untung
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Educational Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
Research Show ◽  
The Way

The major problem of this article is how Abdurrahman Wahid’s ideas on developing pesantren education. It is elaborated into major sub-problems, namely the pesantren existence in the political frame of the New Order in the decades of 1970s and 1980s, Abdurrahman Wahid’s view on pesantren, and on the framework of developing pesantren education. This research is designed as qualitative one using hermeneutic and content analysis approaches. The findings of this research show that the phenomena of inability of pesantren in facing the New Order power, the policies of non pro-pesantren regime, and political suppression and systematical marginalization to pesantren done by the New Order regime in the decades of 1970s and 1980s became the factors that opened the way for the emergence of pesantren educational development ideas. Meanwhile, the common manifestations of the stagnant and apprehensive pesantren conditions were the internal factors encountered by pesantren at that time. To change these pesantren conditions, innovative ideas, namely “pesantren dynamicization” was introduced.<br />---<br /><br />Masalah utama tulisan ini adalah bagaimana gagasan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Hal ini diuraikan menjadi sub-masalah utama, yaitu keberadaan pesantren dalam kerangka politik Orde Baru dalam dekade 1970-an dan 1980an, pandangan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pesantren, dan dalam rangka pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Penelitian ini dirancang secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan analisis hermeneutik dan isi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa fenomena ketidakmampuan pesantren dalam menghadapi kekuasaan Orde Baru, kebijakan rezim non pro-pesantren, dan penekanan politik dan marginalisasi sistemik terhadap pesantren yang dilakukan oleh rezim Orde Baru pada dekade 1970-an dan 1980 menjadi faktor yang membuka jalan bagi kemunculan gagasan pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Sementara itu, manifestasi umum dari kondisi pesantren yang stagnan dan memprihatinkan adalah faktor internal yang dihadapi pesantren saat itu. Untuk mengubah kondisi pesantren ini, maka ide inovatif, yaitu “dinamika pesantren” diperkenalkan.

scholarly journals BIBLICKÁ BABYLONSKÁ VEŽA A ANTICKÍ ĽUDIA. HĽADANIE VLASTNÝCH PREDKOV V STREDOVEKU

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
RYSZARD GRZESIK
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Trojan War ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Medieval Chronicles ◽  
The Common ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
Medieval Historiography ◽  
The Way

The article is a presentation of ethnogenesis of Slavs in the view of medieval chronicles. Hungarian medieval historiography served as a starting point of the reflection. The author describes how national “Prehistory” was presented in Hungarian chronicles and compares them with the general tendencies in medieval historiography to show the way in which native origins were created. It was a search for a common ascendant of the European people based on the Bible figure of Japhet and the way in which this tradition is related to facts known from ancient history (like the Trojan War) as well as geographical description based on ancient erudition. It was the common explanation of native origins in the entire Western and Eastern Christianity.As a result, the culture of medieval and Pre-Modern Europe united despite the political divisions.

Is the Way of the Humane Authority a Good Thing?

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang Shaoguang
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Good Thing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Moral Philosophers ◽  
The Way

This chapter criticizes the emphasis on privatization, the destruction of the Maoist-style emphasis on social welfare, and the growing gap between rich and poor. It argues that more needs to be done to combat the inequalities generated by capitalist modernization in China. Political legitimacy is not something to be defined by moral philosophers in total abstraction from the political reality. Rather, it is a matter of whether or not a political system faces a crisis of legitimacy depends on whether the people who live there doubt the rightness of its power, and whether they consider it the appropriate system for their country. The chapter ultimately endorses a definition of legitimacy as the legitimacy of the popular will.

“To persuade them into speech and action”: Oratory and the Tamil Political, Madras, 1905–1919

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Bate
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Print Culture ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Vernacular Language ◽  
The Common ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractAll the elements of twentieth-century politics in Tamilnadu cohere in 1918–1919: human and natural rights, women's rights, the labor movement, linguistic nationalism, and even the politics of caste reservation. Much has been written of how this politics was mediated by newspapers, handbills, and chapbooks, and the dominant narrative of such events privileges the circulation of print and print culture of vernacular language. This paper explores the relatively lesser-known story of the role and impact of vernacular oratory on the development of the mass political in Tamilnadu from the Swadeshi movement (1905–1908) to the formation of labor unions (1917–1919), and the explicit attempt to persuade non-elites into speech, action, and ultimately politics. I argue that Tamil oratory was an infrastructural element in the production of the political, at least the political as we understand it in twentieth-century Tamilnadu, where oratory became the defining activity of political practice. When elites made the conscious move to begin addressing the common man, when Everyman was called to join into the political, a new agency was formed along with a new definition of what politics would look like. The paper considers what such new agency and definitions entail in pursuit of a better understanding of what constitutes the political generally and the Tamil political in particular.

Political Amnesia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan M. Wald
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
New York Intellectuals ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

The career of philosopher Sidney Hook is presented as an example of the way in which the political trajectory of the New York intellectuals is frequently misunderstood. At issue are representations of the post-World War II transformation as explained by William Barrett, William Phillips, and more. Matters such as the definition of intellectuals, the significance of Trotskyism, shifting definitions of Stalinism, and the views of the author are explored.

scholarly journals Danska ríkisráðið og íslensk stjórnmál 1874–1915

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-68
Author(s):  
Birgir Hermannsson
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Council ◽  
Self Rule ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

The main purpose of this article is to trace the debate in Iceland about the inclusion of the minister of Iceland in the Danish state council from 1874 to 1915. This debate concerned the interpretation of the Danish Positional Law and whether the Danish Constitution was in some regards also enforceable in Iceland. The state council was included in the Icelandic constitution in 1903 and proposed changes hotly debated until 1915. To understand this debate the political discourse on the state council is analyzed and its role in the wider struggle for independence. The Icelandic opposition to the state council was based on the definition of specific Icelandic issues apart from Danish ones in the Positional law and the proposition that the state council was a Danish institution defined by the Danish constitution. It was therefore against Icelandic self-rule to discuss and decide on specific Icelandic issues in a Danish institution. During the independence struggle Icelanders had to decide whether the state council clause was a matter of principle and should therefore stand in the way of agreement with Denmark or whether a more pragmatic view should be taken. The disagreement was therefore not only between Iceland and Denmark but also a source of conflict and disagreement within Iceland.

scholarly journals A Man, Who Never Stopped Dreaming of Humane India: Swami Agnivesh

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
Venkat Rao Pulla ◽  
Bharath Bhushan Mamidi
Keyword(s):  
Social Activism ◽  
Scale Up ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Social Activists ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of

We share two observations based on what we have seen in India. First, that the hegemonic politics in India ushered in institutional and structural inequalities in their wake and second, that the political leadership continued to be aspirational irrespective of ideologies desiring to scale up in the hierarchy of global economic and political power. These two observations pertain to the contemporary history of five decades of development in India. As a result of the above two observations, we make a further two observations that for the Aām Aādmi (the common man), the political parties that sit in the government and their respective ideologies do not matter. And for the state and the political elites, the negative consequences such as marginalisation, exclusion and desperation of the common folks that emanate from the models chosen for development do not matter.   It is in such contexts, social activists argue for a legitimate space for the vying intersects of poverty, caste, class, occupations, habitats amidst such motivated globalisation. They also continue to raise difficult conversations around patriarchy, religious hierarchy, bonded labour, and the girl child.  One such social activist that was concerned about all the above issues was Swami Agnivesh.  He was not antigovernment, anti-democracy, anti-institutional, anti-hierarchy, anti-religious. He sought to restore a new and deeper meaning of freedom (democracy), a new meaning of hierarchy, social care, and even a new definition of spirituality that is social. He was a man who never stopped dreaming of humanising India. In this article, we reminisce about our association with Swami Agnivesh and attempt to espouse his thought based on our hearing, reading, and reflection.    Briefly, we present his life, achievements, and social activism, and more importantly, we attempt to interpret his conception of social spirituality and the ‘power of love’.

Sallust and Dissimulatio

1959 ◽  
Vol 49 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
A. R. Hands
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Sufficient Evidence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common ◽  
Annus Mirabilis ◽  
The Way

Among much else that has been written on Sallust recently, we have been informed or reminded of his ‘deep antipathy’ for Cicero among the political figures of his own day (Syme, Tacitus, 1958, 203), whilst it is Scaurus ‘whom he hates especially’ (K. von Fritz, TAPh. A 74, 1943, 145) of the nobility of the Jugurthine War period. We believe these two judgments to be essentially correct, although ‘hatred’ for one who was not a contemporary is perhaps too strong a term in the case of Scaurus. In the case of Cicero, indeed, it is still a matter for argument how far a dislike on Sallust's part is revealed in the Catilina, which we do not propose to re-argue; for us, not only Sallust's ‘curious and elaborate creation of an anti-Ciceronian style’ (Syme, l.e., cf. E. Sikes, CAH IX, 769), but still more the way in which he deliberately proceeds to glorify Caesar and Cato in Cicero's annus mirabilis seems sufficient evidence of his attitude to the latter; nor should the –Invective necessarily be rejected as evidence, however much we may doubt its authen-ticity, since even a bogus document must be basically plausible if it is to gain any acceptance. Our purpose here, rather, is to seek the common ground of Sallust's dislikes; to suggest that the attitude of Sallust to Cicero may help to explain his hostile representation of Scaurus and that, by a corollary, the latter confirms the former.

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