Sallust and Dissimulatio

1959 ◽  
Vol 49 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
A. R. Hands
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Sufficient Evidence ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common ◽  
Annus Mirabilis ◽  
The Way

Among much else that has been written on Sallust recently, we have been informed or reminded of his ‘deep antipathy’ for Cicero among the political figures of his own day (Syme, Tacitus, 1958, 203), whilst it is Scaurus ‘whom he hates especially’ (K. von Fritz, TAPh. A 74, 1943, 145) of the nobility of the Jugurthine War period. We believe these two judgments to be essentially correct, although ‘hatred’ for one who was not a contemporary is perhaps too strong a term in the case of Scaurus. In the case of Cicero, indeed, it is still a matter for argument how far a dislike on Sallust's part is revealed in the Catilina, which we do not propose to re-argue; for us, not only Sallust's ‘curious and elaborate creation of an anti-Ciceronian style’ (Syme, l.e., cf. E. Sikes, CAH IX, 769), but still more the way in which he deliberately proceeds to glorify Caesar and Cato in Cicero's annus mirabilis seems sufficient evidence of his attitude to the latter; nor should the –Invective necessarily be rejected as evidence, however much we may doubt its authen-ticity, since even a bogus document must be basically plausible if it is to gain any acceptance. Our purpose here, rather, is to seek the common ground of Sallust's dislikes; to suggest that the attitude of Sallust to Cicero may help to explain his hostile representation of Scaurus and that, by a corollary, the latter confirms the former.

scholarly journals Litteratur og politik

2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (104) ◽  
pp. 148-165
Author(s):  
Frederik Tygstrup ◽  
Isak Winkel Holm
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Form And Function ◽  
Symbolic Forms ◽  
Representational Practices ◽  
The World ◽  
Cultural Poetics ◽  
The Common ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Way

Literature and PoliticsLiterature is political by representing the world. The production of literature is a contribution to a general cultural poetics where images of reality are constructed and circulated. At the same time, the practice of literature is institutionalized in such a way that the form and function of the images of reality it produces are conceived and used in a distinctive way. In this article, we suggest distinguishing between a general cultural poetics and a specific literary poetics by using Ernst Cassirer’s neo-Kantian concept of »symbolic forms«. We argue that according to this view, the political significance of literary representational practices resides in the way they activate a common cultural repertoire of historical symbolic forms while at the same time deviating from the common ways of treating these forms.

Negation in discourse: a text world approach to Joseph Heller’s Catch-22

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Hidalgo-Downing
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Fictional World ◽  
Discourse Function ◽  
Joseph Heller ◽  
Form Part ◽  
The Common ◽  
Catch 22 ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
The Way

This article presents a discourse-based approach to negation by applying text world theory to the analysis of negation in the novel Catch-22, by Joseph Heller (1986 [1961]), The model developed for the analysis of negation is based on Werth’s (1999) notion of negation as a subworld which modifies information which is present in the common ground of the discourse. By so doing, negation contributes to the general discourse function of updating information in the text world. Additionally, negation may form part of contradictory structures which, being self-contained units, do not contribute to the updating discourse function but, rather, seem to block the flow of information. The analysis of the functions of negation is framed within a broader framework of stylistic analysis, where the objective is to discuss how the foregrounded nature of negation as a recursive feature in Catch-22 may have a defamiliarizing effect. The argument put forward in this article is that negation plays a crucial role in the expression of a conflict between what is presented as real and what is presented as not real in the fictional world; this conflict, in its turn, has important consequences for the way the story develops and the way major themes of the novel are treated.

scholarly journals GAGASAN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID TENTANG PENGEMBANGAN PENDIDIKAN PESANTREN (1970-1980)

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Slamet Untung
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Educational Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
Research Show ◽  
The Way

The major problem of this article is how Abdurrahman Wahid’s ideas on developing pesantren education. It is elaborated into major sub-problems, namely the pesantren existence in the political frame of the New Order in the decades of 1970s and 1980s, Abdurrahman Wahid’s view on pesantren, and on the framework of developing pesantren education. This research is designed as qualitative one using hermeneutic and content analysis approaches. The findings of this research show that the phenomena of inability of pesantren in facing the New Order power, the policies of non pro-pesantren regime, and political suppression and systematical marginalization to pesantren done by the New Order regime in the decades of 1970s and 1980s became the factors that opened the way for the emergence of pesantren educational development ideas. Meanwhile, the common manifestations of the stagnant and apprehensive pesantren conditions were the internal factors encountered by pesantren at that time. To change these pesantren conditions, innovative ideas, namely “pesantren dynamicization” was introduced.<br />---<br /><br />Masalah utama tulisan ini adalah bagaimana gagasan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Hal ini diuraikan menjadi sub-masalah utama, yaitu keberadaan pesantren dalam kerangka politik Orde Baru dalam dekade 1970-an dan 1980an, pandangan Abdurrahman Wahid tentang pesantren, dan dalam rangka pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Penelitian ini dirancang secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan analisis hermeneutik dan isi. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa fenomena ketidakmampuan pesantren dalam menghadapi kekuasaan Orde Baru, kebijakan rezim non pro-pesantren, dan penekanan politik dan marginalisasi sistemik terhadap pesantren yang dilakukan oleh rezim Orde Baru pada dekade 1970-an dan 1980 menjadi faktor yang membuka jalan bagi kemunculan gagasan pengembangan pendidikan pesantren. Sementara itu, manifestasi umum dari kondisi pesantren yang stagnan dan memprihatinkan adalah faktor internal yang dihadapi pesantren saat itu. Untuk mengubah kondisi pesantren ini, maka ide inovatif, yaitu “dinamika pesantren” diperkenalkan.

scholarly journals BIBLICKÁ BABYLONSKÁ VEŽA A ANTICKÍ ĽUDIA. HĽADANIE VLASTNÝCH PREDKOV V STREDOVEKU

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
RYSZARD GRZESIK
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Trojan War ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Medieval Chronicles ◽  
The Common ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
Medieval Historiography ◽  
The Way

The article is a presentation of ethnogenesis of Slavs in the view of medieval chronicles. Hungarian medieval historiography served as a starting point of the reflection. The author describes how national “Prehistory” was presented in Hungarian chronicles and compares them with the general tendencies in medieval historiography to show the way in which native origins were created. It was a search for a common ascendant of the European people based on the Bible figure of Japhet and the way in which this tradition is related to facts known from ancient history (like the Trojan War) as well as geographical description based on ancient erudition. It was the common explanation of native origins in the entire Western and Eastern Christianity.As a result, the culture of medieval and Pre-Modern Europe united despite the political divisions.

Translation as a metaphoric traveller across disciplines

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelia Zwischenberger
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Translation Studies ◽  
Cultural Translation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Way

Abstract Translation, as a concept, may be regarded as a prototype of a ‘travelling concept’ as it has travelled to numerous disciplines in recent years. Therefore, a ‘translational turn’ was proclaimed for the humanities, cultural studies, and social sciences (cf. Bachmann-Medick 2007, 2009). Outside of translation studies, the use of the translation concept is not bound to “translation proper” (Jakobson 1959, 232) or to the way in which the concept is used and defined in translation studies. Consequently, ‘translation’ is usually used as a very broad metaphor in translation studies’ neighbouring disciplines and fields of research. This mobility shows the potential and high polysemantic value of the translation concept. What we are missing, however, is a ‘translaboration’ between translation studies and the various other disciplines that employ translation studies’ master concept. The paper will illustrate the background of the translational turn and the rise of the notion of ‘cultural translation’ as well as the deployment of the translation category in organisation studies and sociology. It will thus limit itself to examples from cultural studies and the social sciences. The paper’s aim is to revise and dispel some of the misconceptions held against translation proper and the discipline of translation studies, thereby showing that translation studies has the conceptual and theoretical grounding to be the leading discipline for the unfolding of a translational turn outside its disciplinary borders. Furthermore, the paper will show the common ground for a translaboration from which both translation studies and its neighbouring disciplines could ultimately benefit.

RETHINKING REPUBLICANISM: VINDICIAE, CONTRA TYRANNOS IN CONTEXT

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNE MCLAREN
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
First Principles ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Common ◽  
George Buchanan ◽  
Modes Of Thought ◽  
Modern Republicanism

The article takes issue with current orthodoxy concerning early modern republicanism, centred on Quentin Skinner's model of classical republicanism. I argue that historians of political thought need to return to first principles in their practice in order to understand early modern republicanism, and I provide an example by using those principles to reassess one canonical text, Philippe de Plessis Mornay's Vindiciae, contra tyrannos. Reading the Vindiciae in context reveals it as a work whose radicalism lies, not in its engagement with the Roman law tradition, but in its express conviction that each and every individual is responsible for maintaining a covenanted relationship with God. My reassessment tracks the political, and specifically regicidal, consequences of commitment to that belief in England from the late sixteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries. It destabilizes the anachronistic distinction between ‘political’ and ‘religious’ modes of thought that historians of political thought too often use to characterize early modern political discourse, and it points to the common ground shared and articulated by theorists including, inter alia, John Ponet, George Buchanan, and John Milton. The conclusion considers what this investigation reveals about republicanism as a political phenomenon in Europe and America from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries.

scholarly journals Lo político y los procesos de identificación

2020 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sebastián Barros
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Premier Lieu ◽  
New Space ◽  
The Common ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Way

El objetivo de este artículo es problematizar la manera en que la emergencia de demandas y su inscripción de un nuevo espacio de representación pueden dislocar el carácter instituyente de la política. En primer lugar, plantea que lo político opera sobre los límites del demos, expandiendo o restringiendo las diferencias, contadas como diferencias significativas en la comunidad. En segundo lugar, argumenta que esa cuenta se estructura a través de la asignación de ciertas capacidades sensibles a las diferencias que pueden significar un cambio respecto a la definición de lo común de la comunidad. En tercer lugar, el artículo señala que ese reparto de lo sensible está vinculado a un sujeto que puede hablar y ser escuchado en tanto portador de una palabra legítima, una diferencia que puede decir la verdad a través de prácticas parresiastas. En un contexto en el que todo el mundo puede hablar, porque la institucionalidad democrática así lo determina, aparece el riesgo de una mala parrhesía y de que se pierda la oportunidad de identificar la palabra veraz, dispersa en la masa.Palabras clave: Identidades, Estética, ParrhesíaThe political and the identification processesAbstractThe objective of this article is to problematize the way in which the emergence of lawsuits and their inscription of a new space of representation can dislocate the instituting character of politics. First, it lays out that the political operates on the limits of the demos, expanding or restricting the differences, counted as significant differences in the community. Second, it argues that this account is structured through the allocation of certain capacities sensitive to the differences that can mean a change with respect to the definition of the common of the community. Third, the article points out that this distribution of the sensible is linked to a subject who can speak and be heard as the bearer of a legitimate word, a difference that can tell the truth through parresiastas practices. In a context in which everyone can speak, because the democratic institutionality so determines, the risk of bad parrhesia appears and that the opportunity to identify the truthful word, dispersed in the mass, is lost.Keywords: Identities, Aesthetics, ParrhesiaLe politique et les processus d’identificationRésuméL’objectif de cet article est de problématiser la manière dans laquelle l’émergence de demandes et leur inscription d’un nouvel espace de représentation peut disloquer le caractère instituant qui possède la politique. En premier lieu, il propose que le politique opère sur les limites des demos, en étendant ou en restreignant les différences qui sont comptées comme des différences significatives dans la communauté.  En deuxième lieu, il argumente que cette compte-là est structurée à travers l’assignation de certaines capacités sensibles aux différences qui peuvent signifier un changement concernant la définition du courant de la communauté. En troisième lieu, l’article signale que cette répartition du sensible est liée à un sujet qui peut parler et peut être écouté en tant que porteur d’une parole légitime, une différence qui peut dire la vérité à travers les pratiques  parrhésistes.Dans un contexte dans lequel tout le monde peut parler, parce que l’institutionnalité démocratique ainsi le détermine, il apparaît le risque d’une mauvaise parrhésie et que la chance d’identifier le mot véridique se perde, dispersé dans la masse.Mots clé: Identités, Esthétique, Parrhésie

Davenant

2020 ◽  
pp. 26-56
Author(s):  
Niall Allsopp
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
The Political ◽  
Andrew Marvell ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 traces the political views recorded in Davenant’s Preface to Gondibert (1650) and Gondibert (1651). At this time, Davenant loosened his ties with royalism, and imagined a more flexible and artificial form of sovereignty. This view was informed by Tacitism, especially by Lipsius, but the chapter particularly maps out the common ground between Davenant and Hobbes, who both attest to reading each others’ work at this time. The chapter notes Davenant’s views on religion (described by John Aubrey as ‘ingeniose Quakerisme’), on vainglory and the psychological causes of conflict, and on sovereignty, which Davenant founded on force (an argument current in the Engagement controversy), and on the power of poetry to constrain the imagination. Although Gondibert itself peters out inconclusively, the chapter concludes by highlighting its imaginative afterlife among satirists, including John Denham and Andrew Marvell.

Political Theory beyond the Rhetoric–Reason Divide: Hobbes, Semantic Indeterminacy, and Political Order

2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 561-580
Author(s):  
Daniel Skinner
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Thomas Hobbes ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common View ◽  
Semantic Indeterminacy ◽  
The Common ◽  
Rational Order ◽  
The Way ◽  
Political Logic

AbstractThis article engages the longstanding debate over Hobbes's use of rhetoric, with the aim of rethinking both the political logic ofLeviathanand the way contemporary theorists approach rhetoric in relation to reason. Rhetoric was a particularly acute problem for Thomas Hobbes, whose pursuit of a stable political order may appear to require the absence of rhetoric and the presence of a purely rational order. This appearance is misleading, and it is suggested therefore that political theorists rethink how they understand rhetoric to grasp more fully Hobbes's understanding of political order. The common view that Hobbes resolves the problem of semantic indeterminacy must be questioned. Hobbes in effect understands that stable meaning structures are impossible to attain, even under Leviathan. This reworking suggests the need for refining our understanding of Hobbes, who envisions political order not by privileging reason over rhetoric, but by moving beyond engagements with language altogether.

The common green/common ground Performance Project: The Personal, the Political, the Gardens, and NYU

2002 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 132-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
Common Ground ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Community Gardens ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Activists ◽  
The Common ◽  
Performance Project ◽  
The City

When the landlords and the city began bulldozing community gardens, a group of NYU students and local community activists got together to protest and perform. The piece they made tracked the transformation of garbage-strewn lots into lush, vital, community havens—and cried out against the bulldozers lying in wait.

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