scholarly journals Znamiona państwa wyznaniowego. Uwagi na kanwie dorobku współczesnego konstytucjonalizmu

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł Borecki
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
A Priori ◽  
The State ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Stable Group ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
High Degree

An analysis of contemporary constitutions indicates that the number of denominational states is slowly decreasing. However, we also encounter opposite tendencies. The model of a denominational, or a religious state is primarily characteristic for Muslim countries of the Near and Middle East and for a number of Southeast Asian countries. In the last decades, the number of Christian states and secular ideological states has declined signifi cantly. There is a stable group of states with Buddhism as a privileged religion. The religious constitutional norms of states of confession are generally characterised by a high degree of generality. Detailed provisions are seldom and denominational clauses are primarily included among the principles of the supreme constitution. Underlying the religious character of the state lies the rejection of the neutrality of the worldview. It is not possible, on the basis of the constitution alone, to reconstruct a detailed, universal model of a religious state. In the light of fundamental laws, the most common characteristics of religious states are: the negation of the neutrality of the state in worldviews, the acceptance of a particular religion as the offi cial religion, the rejection of the equality of religious associations, the requirement of a head of state to follow the state religion or belief, and the state support for a given confession. The constitutions of most religious states formally provide for religious freedom. In the fundamental laws of some Muslim states, the guarantees for this freedom are, however, silent. The Western political culture fails the characteristics of an organisational unity of the state or the religious apparatus. The socio-political reality of contemporary religious states indicates that this model of statehood cannot be a priori regarded as contrary to the principles of democracy and human rights.

scholarly journals The Dynamics of The Democratic Process In Legal Politics In Indonesia And Egypt

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nahrowi Nahrowi ◽  
Masyrofah Masyrofah ◽  
Nurul Handayani
Keyword(s):  
Transition Period ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The People ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Systems

The implementation of democratic systems in several Muslim countries has obstacles. This is due to the development of people's thinking patterns about understanding democracy itself. Islam as a religion emphasizes the establishment of harmonious relations in the life of the state, but when applying the relationship of Islam and democracy in the life of the state does not necessarily be smooth at the level of practice. Ideally a country that runs a democratic system has a higher level of community participation in developing the country. But on the other hand, It faced with the reality of the problems in implementing democratization in the Islamic world. There are countries that are claimed to succeed as democratic countries, generally after going through a transition period of transfer of government power. But on the contrary, not a few countries that have not or are not ready to accept change as a process of democratization are actually trapped in the struggle for power and lead to conflict and violence. Therefore it is important to discuss about the challenges and obstacles of democratization in the Islamic world. With a normative-empirical approach, this article aims to analyze the problems of the democratization process in two Muslim countries, namely Indonesia and Egypt. This study found that the process of democratization as a part of legal politics system in Muslim countries must adapt to the culture and political conditions of each country. The challenges of the democratization process in Indonesia and Egypt, namely the media, ideology, natural resources, common vision and mission in developing the country, strong commitment from all components of the nation, political will of the head of state related to power sharing and strengthening dialogue with the people. While the obstacles are prolonged political, economic and social instability making it vulnerable to the emergence of conflict and violence, political, cultural and religious sectarianism, authoritarianism, internal and external conflicts.

scholarly journals The Outline of Constitutional Regulations on the Freedom of Conscience and Religion in Poland

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Andrzej Bisztyga ◽  
Paweł Kuczma
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern Concept ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Individual

Freedom of conscience and religion is one of the fundamental freedoms of person. This freedom is a constitutionally registered freedom and its exercise, like its constitutional guarantees, is the foundation of the modern concept of a democratic state’s rule of law. At the same time, the concept of a democratic rule of law is a source of limitations for this freedom, implemented in the spirit of European standards. The regulation of the freedom of conscience and religion under the Constitution of the Republic of Poland is a relatively extensive regulation, showing its own specificity, rooted in the experiences of the past, undemocratic political reality. Freedom of conscience and religion cannot be considered solely in the sphere of the psyche and in the sphere of privacy. On the contrary, it has an important public-law dimension. The issue taken up is closely related to the freedom of worldview, which determines both the behavior of the individual towards himself and the behavior of the individual towards other people and towards the community. The author presents and analyzes the regulation in question against the background of the principles determining the position of churches and religious associations in the state and their relations with the state.

On the Marketness of Markets and Actor Clout: Market-shaping Roles

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 170-184
Author(s):  
Suvi Nenonen ◽  
Kaj Storbacka
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Market Maker ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Market Evolution ◽  
Network Position ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Market Shaping

In reconnecting marketing to more plastic and malleable markets, we need more understanding about market evolution. In this research we explore how to assess the state of a market, and how the roles of a market-shaping actor vary depending on this state. We view markets as configurations of 25 interdependent elements and argue that well-functioning markets have a high degree of configurational fit between elements. The level of configurational fit describes the state of a market as a continuum from low to high marketness. The clout of a market actor to influence a market configuration is an amalgamation of the actor’s capabilities, network position and relative power. By exploring marketness and clout as contextual contingencies, we identify four market-shaping roles: market maker, market activist, market champion, and market complementor. The focus of a market-shaping actor, in terms of which elements to influence and in which order, vary significantly between roles.

Dialogue or Confrontation?

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringo Ringvee
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
New Religious Movements ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Neoliberal Governance ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
Liberal Attitude

The article focuses on the relations between the state , mainstream religions and new religious movements in Estonia from the early 1990s until today. Estonia has been known as one of highly secular and religiously liberal countries. During the last twenty years Estonian religious scene has become considerably more pluralist, and there are many different religious traditions represented in Estonia. The governmental attitude toward new religious movements has been rather neutral, and the practice of multi-tier recognition of religious associations has not been introduced. As Estonia has been following neoliberal governance also in the field of religion, the idea that the religious market should regulate itself has been considered valid. Despite of the occasional conflicts between the parties in the early 1990s when the religious market was created the tensions did decrease in the following years. The article argues that one of the fundamental reasons for the liberal attitude towards different religious associations by the state and neutral coexistence of different traditions in society is that Estonian national identity does not overlap with any particular religious identity.

scholarly journals Sartres Lösung zur Antinomie der sozialen Realität in der Kritik der dialektischen Vernunft

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (6) ◽  
pp. 817-847
Author(s):  
Sebastian Gardner
Keyword(s):  
Ethical Theory ◽  
A Priori ◽  
Social Ontology ◽  
Human Freedom ◽  
Philosophical Foundation ◽  
A Posteriori ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Dialectical Reason ◽  
The Individual

AbstractCritics have standardly regarded Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason as an abortive attempt to overcome the subjectivist individualism of his early philosophy, motivated by a recognition that Being and Nothingness lacks ethical and political significance, but derailed by Sartre’s Marxism. In this paper I offer an interpretation of the Critique which, if correct, shows it to offer a coherent and highly original account of social and political reality, which merits attention both in its own right and as a reconstruction of the philosophical foundation of Marxism. The key to Sartre’s theory of collective and historical existence in the Critique is a thesis carried over from Being and Nothingness: intersubjectivity on Sartre’s account is inherently aporetic, and social ontology reproduces in magnified form its limited intelligibility, lack of transparency, and necessary frustration of the demands of freedom. Sartre’s further conjecture – which can be formulated a priori but requires a posteriori verification – is that man’s collective historical existence may be understood as the means by which the antinomy within human freedom, insoluble at the level of the individual, is finally overcome. The Critique provides therefore the ethical theory promised in Being and Nothingness.

scholarly journals Contested Numbers: Census Controversies and the Press in 1960s Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
The State ◽  
Population Census ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Public Sphere

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.

Radical Political Unionism as a Strategy for Revitalization in Argentina

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 97-113
Author(s):  
Lucila D’Urso ◽  
Julieta Longo
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
Automotive Parts ◽  
The Relationship

The grassroots union experiment undertaken at the Lear automotive parts factory in Argentina can be seen as a paradigmatic struggle for an understanding of the relationship between unionism and politics. The Lear case reveals that the distinctiveness of radical political unionism lies in the democratic elements of its decision making and its appeal to direct action, its construction of alliances with other social organizations, its linkage of economic demands with broader political objectives, its identification of the management, the state, and the union bureaucracy as adversaries, and its transmission of a leftist political culture. La experiencia sindical de la fábrica de autopartes Lear en Argentina puede ser analizada como un conflicto paradigmático para comprender la relación entre sindicalismo y política. El caso de Lear revela que el carácter distintivo del sindicalismo político radical se encuentra en los mecanismos democráticos de toma de decisiones y en la apelación a medidas de acción directa, la construcción de alianzas con otras organizaciones sociales, la vinculación de las demandas económicas con objetivos políticos más amplios, la identificación de la empresa, el Estado y la burocracia sindical como adversarios y la transmisión de una cultura política de izquierda.

Byzantine Traditions of the Sublime Porte: the Title qayṣar-i Rūm in the Ottoman Political Thought

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5 (103)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Dmitry Korobeynikov
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
Great Power ◽  
The Sublime

The article is focused on the problem of the title qayṣar-i Rūm, “Caesar of Rome”, which was a traditional title of the Byzantine emperors in Arabic and Persian sources. It is believed that the title was accepted by Mehmed II Fatih after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453. It seems that the Ottoman chancery began to use the title only during the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent. The first evidence thereof was the famous inscription of Suleyman in the fortress of Bender (Bendery, in Moldavia/Moldova) in 1538—1539. The Ottomans recognized themselves as a new Rome only after they went into conflict with a great power in Persia, the state of the Aq-Qoyunlu and the Safawi Empire at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. They did so, however, in the categories of their Persianate political culture, and the title qayṣar-i Rūm was believed to have been an equivalent of the title padishah.

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