Geertz’s Challenge: Is It Possible to Be a Robust Cultural Pluralist and a Dedicated Political Liberal at the Same Time?

2020 ◽  
pp. 185-232
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Matteo Bonotti

This chapter rejects the ‘extrinsic’ view of public reason examined in Chapter 4, and argues that political parties can play an important role in helping citizens to relate their comprehensive doctrines to political liberal values and institutions. Once we understand the distinctive normative demands of partisanship, this chapter claims, we can see that there is no inherent tension between them and the demands of the Rawlsian overlapping consensus. This is because partisanship (unlike factionalism) involves a commitment to the common good rather than the sole advancement of merely partial interests, and this implies a commitment to public reasoning. The chapter further examines three distinctive empirical features of parties that particularly enable them to contribute to an overlapping consensus. These are their linkage function, their advancement of broad multi-issue political platforms, and their creative agency.


Jus Cogens ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-75
Author(s):  
Frank I. Michelman
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-82
Author(s):  
Vida Panitch

Anti-commodification theorists condemn liberal political philosophers for not being able to justify restricting a market transaction on the basis of what is sold, but only on the basis of how it is sold. The anti-commodification theorist is correct that if this were all the liberal had to say in the face of noxious markets, it would be inadequate: even if everyone has equal bargaining power and no one is misled, there are some goods that should not go to the highest bidder. In this paper, I respond to the anti-commodification critique of liberalism by arguing that the political liberal has the wherewithal to account not only for the conditions under which goods should not be sold, but also for what kinds of goods should not be for sale in a market economy. The political liberal can appeal to a principle of equal basic rights, and to one of sufficiency in basic needs and the social bases of self-respect, I argue, to account for what’s problematic about markets in civic goods, necessary goods, and physical goods including body parts and intimate services.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Neven Cveticanin

The text is elaborating the work of two philosophers - Hegel and Tocqueville in context of assembling of political liberal centre. Both of them will take the role of synthesizers of epochal movements, as well as 'harmonizers' of the Epoch, hereafter they will adjust some of the ideas brought by French Revolution to some of the conservative values pre-dating it. Both of them will take part in project of constituting of wide civil political centre by enriching the classical Locke-Kant's liberal centre with certain values (Hegel by adding the concept of bureaucratic state, Tocqueville by adding the concept of intermediate democracy) which will cause it to transform in wide medium that will soon absorb parts of Left and Right, making them to be left and right centre. This wide civil political centre, which will include the left and right centre in itself, will become truly dominant nowadays so Hegel and Tocqueville can be understood as ideological precursors of modern political actions.


Author(s):  
Mahmoud Ezzo Hamdo

 Research tackles the bases that pluralism based on . in the western liberal thought for example many of lebral opinions that of called for pluralism were discussed so research divided to for mian aspects : first aspect the theoritical political .liberal and political pluralism concepts of the research . the second aspects : tackles the descussion relativity of the truth  and right and the pluralism of the contemprory western liberal thought . third aspect : tackles the equality and emphasizing of the pluralism in the contemprory western liberal . thought  fanally the fourth aspect tackles the political respresentation and pluralism in the western liberal thought . the research also has ended with many of conclusions .


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 745-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank I. Michelman

Abstract In his book The Purse and the Sword: The Trials of Israel’s Legal Revolution, Daniel Friedmann brings under critical inspection what he names as a legal revolution in Israel. Friedmann gives us, under that name, an account of a shift of certain major and sensitive state powers from elected leaders and legislators to politically insulated officials and judges. The Supreme Court’s construction of two Basic Law enactments of the twelfth Knesset into a justiciable, substantive “formal constitution” for Israel figures in Friedmann’s book as one component of the revolution, along with other judicial developments, including purposive interpretation of constitutional and other laws, an intensified form of common-law review of administrative actions for unreasonableness, and expansionary revisions to standing and justiciability. In all these developments, Aharon Barak took a leading part as judge and as scholar. I here consider to what extent these developments may be understood as responsive to promptings from a “political-liberal” conception of a justificational burden and need for substantive constitutional law. I reflect here on the possible pull of this conception in a political-cultural setting of a persisting widespread attachment to an idea of Israel as a member of the family of liberal constitutional states, and hence on Barak’s understanding of the role and responsibility of the Supreme Court. I speculate briefly about how far that pull may extend also to Professor Friedmann in his role of critic of the judicial handiwork of Barak and the Court on which he served.


1977 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 137-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. E. Pence

John Rawls, the twentieth century political liberal and arch-foe of utilitarianism, has resurrected the moral methodology of contractualism on the battleground of normative ethics. Rawls’ theory illuminates both the power and the weaknesses of all theories of contractualism in normative ethics.In this paper, I examine what Rawls believes contractualism can accomplish in ethics. Then I examine one crucial aspect of Rawls’ contractualism — the notion of fairness. Next, I argue that Rawls begs the question of the choice of principles against utilitarianism. One way in which question-begging occurs is by forsaking any real conception of bargaining agents, substituting instead many abstract instantiations of one non-envious, mildly self-interested, impartial agent. Rawls claims that it is of “great importance” (141-142) that agents in the social contract achieve unanimity. In reality, the contract stipulates unamimity among its agents, instead of the opposite, where unanimity follows from consensus over fair principles. The veil of ignorance does not guarantee impartiality, but instead, it precludes choosing utilitarian principles. Finally, I test the adequacy of Rawlsian contractualism by applying it to an important problem in modern medicine involving justice, viz., the just allocation of scarce medical resources.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-235
Author(s):  
Christopher Robert Lowry

Based on a close reading of the debate between Rawls and Sen on primary goods versus capabilities, I argue that liberal theory cannot adequately respond to Sen’s critique within a conventionally neutralist framework. In support of the capability approach, I explain why and how it defends a more robust conception of opportunity and freedom, along with public debate on substantive questions about well-being and the good life. My aims are: (i) to show that Sen’s capability approach is at odds with Rawls’s political liberal version of neutrality; (ii) to carve out a third space in the neutrality debate; and (iii) to begin to develop, from Sen’s approach, the idea of public value liberalism as a position that falls within that third space.


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