14. Notes on the historical development of the relation between nuclear family, kinship system and the wider social structure in Norway

AbstractWe present a high-resolution cross-disciplinary analysis of kinship structure and social institutions in two Late Copper Age Bell Beaker culture cemeteries of South Germany containing 24 and 18 burials, of which 34 provided genetic information. By combining archaeological, anthropological, genetic and isotopic evidence we are able to document the internal kinship and residency structure of the cemeteries and the socially organizing principles of these local communities. The buried individuals represent four to six generations of two family groups, one nuclear family at the Alburg cemetery, and one seemingly more extended at Irlbach. While likely monogamous, they practiced exogamy, as six out of eight non-locals are women. Maternal genetic diversity is high with 23 different mitochondrial haplotypes from 34 individuals, whereas all males belong to one single Y-chromosome haplogroup without any detectable contribution from Y-chromosomes typical of the farmers who had been the sole inhabitants of the region hundreds of years before. This provides evidence for the society being patrilocal, perhaps as a way of protecting property among the male line, while in-marriage from many different places secured social and political networks and prevented inbreeding. We also find evidence that the communities practiced selection for which of their children (aged 0-14 years) received a proper burial, as buried juveniles were in all but one case boys, suggesting the priority of young males in the cemeteries. This is plausibly linked to the exchange of foster children as part of an expansionist kinship system which is well attested from later Indo-European-speaking cultural groups.

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Mana’ dan Éanan: Tongkonan, Harta Tongkonan, Harta Warisan, dan Kontribusi Ritual di Masyarakat Toraja

ETNOSIA Jurnal Etnografi Indonesia ◽

10.31947/etnosia.v1i2.1612 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

pp. 12

Author(s):

Nurul Ilmi Idrus

Keyword(s):

Nuclear Family ◽

Individual Property ◽

South Sulawesi ◽

Kinship System ◽

Inheritance System ◽

Communal Property ◽

The Common ◽

The Right ◽

Family Gathering ◽

Physical Manifestation

Toraja shares traditions with other ethnic groups in South Sulawesi, but Toraja has its own uniqueness, primarily related to tongkonan, which is not only as physical manifestation—House (banua) and its ‘content’ (harta tongkonan), but it is also a venue for family gathering of the tongkonan members, a house-society and a source of property. This article is focused on inheritance system among Torajanese, it examines how individual property is inherited as well as how communal property is managed and benefitted by its members. Property, for Torajanese, compose of individual property (éanan) and communal property (mana’ tongkonan) which refers to property own by members of tongkonan from one pa’rapuang—ramage traced a first ancestor who founded a Tongkonan House. While individual property can be inherited to children, communal property cannot, it can only be maintained, managed, and benefitted from among members of tongkonan, though in practice there are some violation of such norms, and any violation is always associated with their ancestor. Since tongkonan is a source of property, this may also become a source of conflict among members of tongkonan, especially for prosperous tongkonan and in terms of who is eligible to manage tongkonan and its property (to ma’kampai tongkonan). A Torajanese may become a member of more than one tongkonan because of bilateral kinship system. But, since contribution towards tongkonan (maintenance and rituals) is costly and time-consuming, one should decide in which tongkonan he/she becomes the ‘core’ or the ‘common’ member. Despite the fact that the philosophy of inheritance sharing of individual property is mabbagé rata, various grounds may be taken into account which makes a difference between siblings in a nuclear family. I argue in this article that both the right to éanan and mana’ tongkonan are related to one’s contribution in different respect.

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The Stem Family in Ireland: A Debate

Comparative Studies in Society and History ◽

10.1017/s001041750001046x ◽

1983 ◽

Vol 25 (2) ◽

pp. 339-395 ◽

Cited By ~ 20

Author(s):

David Fitzpatrick ◽

P. Gibbon ◽

C. Curtin ◽

Anthony Varley

Keyword(s):

Standard Model ◽

Social Structure ◽

Nuclear Family ◽

First World War ◽

World War ◽

Family Structures ◽

Family Household ◽

The First World War ◽

History Of ◽

First World

It has lately become commonplace to suspect that most household and family structures in history were much the same. Under the pugnacious influence of the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, historians have grown wary of drawing attention to apparently abnormal household structures, and perhaps weary of reiterating the predominance in northwestern European societies of the simple or nuclear family household. Ireland, however, was not easily squeezed into the Cambridge standard model as generated for preindustrial England. Not only were Irish households before the First World War uncomfortably large, but their bulges appeared in the wrong places. Admittedly these divergences were not great; yet to students following the path of Conrad M. Arensberg and Solon T. Kimball they betokened a more fundamental divergence between the underlying structures of English and Irish families.

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RELATION BETWEEN PHYSICAL SPATIAL ORDER OF SETTLEMENT WITH BATAK TOBA SOCIETY’S KIN RELATIONSHIP STUDY OBJECT: HUTA GINJANG VILLAGE, SIANJUR MULA-MULA SUB-DISTRICT

Riset Arsitektur (RISA) ◽

10.26593/risa.v3i03.3336.277-294 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 3 (03) ◽

pp. 277-294

Author(s):

Grace Mananda Hutabarat

Keyword(s):

Cultural Identity ◽

Nuclear Family ◽

Spatial Order ◽

Traditional Architecture ◽

Attitudes And Behaviors ◽

Kinship System ◽

Kin Relationship ◽

Object Of Study ◽

The Village ◽

Physical Order

Abstract- Batak Toba tribe is an ethnic group that still holds tradition as an identity that distinguish them from other ethnic groups in Indonesia. Part of the culture that strongly influences society’s daily life is the kinship, as can be seen with the usage of family name and the philosophy of Dalihan na Tolu, which regulates attitudes and behaviors among society. Aside from the kinship, the traditional architecture is also a cultural identity of Batak Toba tribe, ranging from the order of settlements to organization of space in each dwelling. The research aims to study the physical spatial order of the settlements as a consequence of Batak Toba kinship system, to see the relation between settlement’s physical spatial order with the clan system and the philosophy of Dalihan na Tolu, and lastly to see the effect of modernization in the development of Batak Toba settlements.Huta Ginjang Village in Sianjur Mula-mula is an indigenous village that still holds Batak Toba tradition and culture. Residents are mostly from the Sagala clan and originated from one ancestor. Each house is inhabited by one nuclear family and the collection of several dwellings in a certain order forms a settlement that still knows the kinship of one another. Huta Ginjang Village consists of eight cluster of settlements that still have relation to each other, forming a small clan group.Data on the spatial physical order of the settlements in Huta Ginjang Village and the society’s kin relationship are obtained from literature studies, direct observation in the object of study, and interview with the villagers. The obtained data were analyzed qualitatively by using the relation theory in architecture.The result of the research shows the undeniable relation between physical spatial order of settlement in Huta Ginjang Village with the society’s kin relationship, either on the village, huta, or on the dwelling scale. One of the relation can be seen in the absence of hierarchy in dwelling placement, as the principle of the Dalihan na Tolu has no hierarchy between each of the components. The relation with the kin relationship cannot be seen from each of the building’s typology, because there are no special features that distinguishes each of the kinship groups. Key Words: relation, physical spatial order, kin relationships, Huta Ginjang Village

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Kinship and social organization in Copper Age Europe. A cross-disciplinary analysis of archaeology, DNA, isotopes, and anthropology from two Bell Beaker cemeteries

PLoS ONE ◽

10.1371/journal.pone.0241278 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 15 (11) ◽

pp. e0241278

Author(s):

Karl-Göran Sjögren ◽

Iñigo Olalde ◽

Sophie Carver ◽

Morten E. Allentoft ◽

Tim Knowles ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Nuclear Family ◽

Social Institutions ◽

Copper Age ◽

Cultural Groups ◽

Young Males ◽

Mitochondrial Haplotypes ◽

Kinship System ◽

Y Chromosomes ◽

Male Line ◽

Bell Beaker

We present a high-resolution cross-disciplinary analysis of kinship structure and social institutions in two Late Copper Age Bell Beaker culture cemeteries of South Germany containing 24 and 18 burials, of which 34 provided genetic information. By combining archaeological, anthropological, genetic and isotopic evidence we are able to document the internal kinship and residency structure of the cemeteries and the socially organizing principles of these local communities. The buried individuals represent four to six generations of two family groups, one nuclear family at the Alburg cemetery, and one seemingly more extended at Irlbach. While likely monogamous, they practiced exogamy, as six out of eight non-locals are women. Maternal genetic diversity is high with 23 different mitochondrial haplotypes from 34 individuals, whereas all males belong to one single Y-chromosome haplogroup without any detectable contribution from Y-chromosomes typical of the farmers who had been the sole inhabitants of the region hundreds of years before. This provides evidence for the society being patrilocal, perhaps as a way of protecting property among the male line, while in-marriage from many different places secured social and political networks and prevented inbreeding. We also find evidence that the communities practiced selection for which of their children (aged 0–14 years) received a proper burial, as buried juveniles were in all but one case boys, suggesting the priority of young males in the cemeteries. This is plausibly linked to the exchange of foster children as part of an expansionist kinship system which is well attested from later Indo-European-speaking cultural groups.

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Kinship of bidayuh dayak ethnic at the border of Entikong-Indonesia and Tebedu-Malaysia

ETNOSIA Jurnal Etnografi Indonesia ◽

10.31947/etnosia.v5i1.8300 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 136

Author(s):

Efriani Efriani ◽

Hasanah Hasanah ◽

Galuh Bayuardi

Keyword(s):

Cultural Values ◽

Qualitative Method ◽

Nuclear Family ◽

Extended Family ◽

Ethnic Community ◽

Border Studies ◽

Daily Lives ◽

Kinship System ◽

Cultural Extinction ◽

Area Development

This study of Dayak Bidayuh ethnic kinship system at the boundaries of Entikong and Tebedu is based on the issue of border area development, the issue of cultural extinction and cultural values, as well as the issue of cultural claims and cultural values. Besides, the existence of Bidayuh ethnic groups spread across Indonesia and Malaysia has become interesting to study and describe. The study used qualitative method by interviewing and observing people of Dayak Bidayuh in Sontas-Indonesia and Bidayauh in Entubuh-Malaysia. Based on the concept of kinship and border studies, this study shows that (1) Bidayuh Sontas Kinship System refers to the concept of kinship system with a unilateral lineage pattern, so that the Bidayuh Sontas nuclear family is part of an extended family; (2) Bidayuh Sontas has a transnational kinship pattern with Entubuh-Malaysia Bidayuh; (3) The presence of the State is the cause of the separation of Bidayuh Sontas citizenship from Bidayuh Entubuh; (4) When there is a marriage between them, the citizenship must be determined; and (5) Transnational kinship Bidayuh at the Entikong-Indonesia and Tebedu-Malaysia Border as a socio-cultural space phenomenon. An ethnic community that existed before the presence of state’s border is still continuing their daily lives, even though they have been constructed into different nationalities.

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Maurice Godelier and the Metamorphosis of Kinship, A Review Essay

Comparative Studies in Society and History ◽

10.1017/s0010417506000132 ◽

2006 ◽

Vol 48 (2) ◽

pp. 326-358 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Robert H. Barnes

Keyword(s):

Social Structure ◽

Review Essay ◽

Natural Kinds ◽

The Other ◽

Considerable Progress ◽

Irreducible Factor ◽

Theoretical Entity ◽

Kinship System ◽

Kinship Theory ◽

Better Than

Once it was thought that kinship was the preeminent subject of anthropology, one about which considerable progress was possible. “Kinship” itself was, for some, fairly unproblematic. Thus Radcliffe-Brown (1952: 46) asserted that, “if any society establishes a system of corporations on the basis of kinship … it must necessarily adopt a system of unilineal reckoning of succession,” and Fortes (1959: 209) announced that, “Kinship, being an irreducible factor in social structure has an axiomatic validity.” However, in the late 1960s and early 1970s one leading figure of anthropology after the other declared that there really was no such thing as kinship. “The process of making kinship into a single theoretical entity seems to me no better than the invention of ‘totemism’” (Terray 1969: 135–36; 1972: 140–41). “There is no such thing as kinship, and it follows that there can be no such thing as kinship theory” (Needham 1971: 5). “‘Kinship,’ like totemism, the matrilineal complex and matriarchy, is a non-subject since it does not exist in any culture known to man” (Schneider 1972: 59). “The whole notion of ‘a kinship system’ as an isolable structure of sentiments, norms, or categorical distinctions is misleading because it assumes, or seems to assume, that the ordering principles of a society are partitionable into natural kinds only adventitiously connected” (Geertz and Geertz 1975: 156). For various political and intellectual reasons, “kinship” appeared to many to have died out as an area of analytic interest within anthropology during the 1970s and 1980s, despite many indications to the contrary. Now Godelier has made a major effort to revive attention to matters usually bunched under the phrase “kinship,” and, at least as concerns French popular taste, seems largely to have succeeded. For him kinship has not died, but instead transformed itself both in fact and “theoretically.”

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Continuity and change in the Gwembe Tonga family and their relevance to demography's nucleation thesis

Africa ◽

10.2307/1160873 ◽

1999 ◽

Vol 69 (4) ◽

pp. 510-534 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Neil Price ◽

Neil Thomas

Keyword(s):

Nuclear Family ◽

Fertility Transition ◽

Economic Transformation ◽

Nucleation Theory ◽

Economic Changes ◽

Continuity And Change ◽

First Marriage ◽

Kinship System ◽

The Family

AbstractRecent criticisms of demographic theory and methodology have pointed, inter alia, to the need to take on board advances in cognate disciplines. This case study of the Gwembe Valley Tonga of Zambia highlights the important methodological contribution that social anthropology can make to the sub-discipline of family demography. It provides evidence of the empirical invalidity of the ‘family nucleation’ paradigm, which holds that a shift towards conjugal marriage and nuclear household residence patterns is an inevitable consequence of globalisation, and a precursor of the social and economic changes necessary for the fertility transition. According to nucleation theory, evidence of increased conjugality will be reflected in the reduced symbolic importance of the lineage and ancestors; greater marriage stability; the demise of polygyny and widow inheritance; reduction in the size and significance of bridewealth payments; increasing age of first marriage for women, and decreasing age differentials between spouses. The case study therefore focuses on recent changes in the matrilineal kinship system, notably the emergence of localised lineages, and the extent to which these changes reflect family nucleation (largely but not exclusively in terms of increased conjugality). By analysing household structure and marital residence patterns, including the role played by the husband/father in family affairs, nuptiality (notably bridewealth, divorce and polygyny), inheritance and the role of ancestors, the case study demonstrates that changes in the family and kinship structure in response to local social and economic transformation can be equated not with nuclearisation but with the emergence of a modified form of family and kinship, quite distinct in structure and meaning from the nuclear family.

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Nocte kinship system, terminologies and its affinity to PTB roots

Indian Journal of Multilingual Research and Development ◽

10.34256/ijmrd2135 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 37-46

Author(s):

Trisha Wangno ◽

Madhumita Barbora

Keyword(s):

Social Structure ◽

Native Speakers ◽

World View ◽

Arunachal Pradesh ◽

Specific Language ◽

Common Features ◽

Endangered Language ◽

Kinship System ◽

The Social ◽

The World

Kinship terms and systems are considered to be one of the most resistant parts of language which are constantly in a threat by dominant language. Through these terminologies, we can find out how language not only defines but tries to explain the world view of the native speakers. The kinship terms can also be used to identify and group the specific language with other languages with which it shares its common features under a common phylum. This paper is a study of the kinship terms and systems of Nocte, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Arunachal Pradesh. It has also been established as an endangered language. In this paper we look into Nocte Kinship terms, the system, the social structure and its affinity to the Proto-Tibeto-Burman roots.

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The Dynamics of Multilineality on the Mambila Plateau

Africa ◽

10.2307/1158308 ◽

1960 ◽

Vol 30 (3) ◽

pp. 246-261 ◽

Cited By ~ 6

Author(s):

F. Rehfisch

Keyword(s):

West Africa ◽

Social Structure ◽

The Past ◽

Kinship System ◽

System Changes ◽

Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphThe Mambila social structure, unlike the majority of those studied in West Africa, is characterized by the presence of kinship groups with corporate functions which are not unilineal. All members of these units claim descent from a common male ancestor or his sibling, but descent may be traced through males, females, and in some cases through links including both sexes. A knowledge of the changes in both the traditional and present marriage practices is essential for obtaining an understanding of this kinship system. Changes in the two principal Mambila kinship groups—the memin and the man—over the past three or four decades will also be analysed.

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