scholarly journals The silent world of Reinaldo Arenas’s novels

Ars Aeterna ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-40
Author(s):  
Jana Waldnerová

AbstractThe paper focuses on the life and poetics of Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas, an important representative of Cuban gay literature, who, due to his sexual orientation and eventual opposition to the Revolution, was silenced by the Cuban government and exposed to continual threats. His novels, which depict the hardship of and discrimination against ordinary people and gay members of Cuban society (for example Old Rosa and Farewell to the Sea), reveal also signs of the deep trauma that the writer suffered and its impact on his writing.

Worldview ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
Lorrin Philipson

Cuba: the conundrum of the Caribbean still. Few countries its size can claim so many outstanding writers and artists. Even fewer have succeeded in alienating nearly all of them. Most of the best and the brightest of Cuba are in exile. The exodus, begun two decades ago, has accelerated in the last two years. Three of the island's leading writers— Guillermo Cabrera Infante, Octavio Armand, and Reinaldo Arenas—offer different perspectives on the pain and challenge of exile, on the Revolution, and on Cuba's rich and varied contribution to the present cultural renaissance of Latin America.


Author(s):  
Danielle Clealand

The Power of Race in Cuba analyzes racial ideologies that negate the existence of racism and their effect on racial progress and activism through the lens of Cuba. Since 1959, Fidel Castro and the Cuban government have married socialism and the ideal of racial harmony to create a formidable ideology that is an integral part of Cubans’ sense of identity and their perceptions of race and racism in their country. While the combination of socialism and a colorblind racial ideology is particular to Cuba, strategies that paint a picture of equality of opportunity and deflect the importance of race are not particular to the island’s ideology and can be found throughout the world and in the Americas in particular. By promoting an anti-discrimination ethos, diminishing class differences at the onset of the revolution, and declaring the end of racism, Castro was able to unite belief in the revolution to belief in the erasure of racism. The ideology is bolstered by rhetoric that discourages racial affirmation. The second part of the book examines public opinion on race in Cuba, particularly among black Cubans. It examines how black Cubans have indeed embraced the dominant nationalist ideology that eschews racial affirmation, but also continue to create spaces for black consciousness that challenge this ideology. This work gives a nuanced portrait of black identity in Cuba and through survey data, interviews with formal organizers, and hip-hop artists draws from the many black spaces, both formal and informal, to highlight what black consciousness looks like in Cuba.


1985 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward A. Allen

Most historians of the French Revolution accept the now familiar contention that village curés and vicaires sided with the Third Estate in 1789, presumably out of class solidarity born of common origins and personal contact with the sad lot of ordinary people. Historians also agree that most of these “patriot” curiés (as those who supported reforms and the Third Estate in 1789 called themselves) later deserted the Revolution once it became clear that what the Third had in mind included sweeping restraints on the once vaunted power and property of the church and on the spiritual autonomy and authority of the French clergy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Daryna Kharuk ◽  

The process of changing the media landscape in Ukraine cannot be called simple. At the same time, these changes are very large and irreversible - as well as changes in Ukrainian society. This paper deals with the issues related to the present media landscape of Ukraine and the factors that influence it. The work describes the relationship between the media and the events of Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity, as well as the identity crisis that led to the events of 2013–2014 in Ukraine. The role of the mass media in the democratic revolutions in Ukraine is very important. The changing position of the media, the influence of the oligarchs, and the resistance of media workers - all of this was a part of the revolution that changed not only Ukrainian society but also the mass media for the better. Journalists, being public figures, were active participants in the revolution and stood close to its roots. Admittedly, this had an impact on the specifics of the work of journalists who had to operate in extreme conditions, first during the Revolution of Dignity, and later broadcasting events in Crimea and eastern Ukraine. The events of the Euromaidan completely changed the situation, putting an end to the crisis of national self-identification. The media not only reflected on but also created these changes while experiencing restructuration. A new type of media has emerged – are ordinary people who, using their profiles in social networks, acted to spread the information about events, commented on them, and shared their reflections.


Author(s):  
Danielle Pilar Clealand

The influence that racial ideology has on racial attitudes and racial consciousness in Cuba is shown throughout this project to be significant. Racial democracy in Cuba combines with socialist ideology to form a powerful racial ideology that is distinct to other Latin American societies that operate under the ideology of racial democracy. Throughout the decades of the revolution Fidel and Raúl Castro and the Cuban government have united belief in the revolution with belief in racial democracy, and as a result support of the revolution often correlates with the notion that racism is not a considerable problem in Cuba. State rhetoric and policy have promoted national identity and unity as supreme over racial identity, while claiming to have solved the problem of racism through socialist policies. The state also created a set of norms and an institutional framework that did not allow for the proliferation of alternate racial ideologies or information, barred the creation of any institution or organization that addressed race, and by creating institutions that addressed the needs of women, youth, and others created the philosophy that race was not a cleavage that mattered in revolutionary Cuba. Despite the ideological and political measures executed by the government, the presence of racism in Cuba cannot be denied and has, as supported by the data throughout this book, contributed to feelings of racial consciousness among black and ...


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Marcin Kula

The Seventh Pan-American Conference in Montevideo (VII Conferencia Panamericana de Montevideo) held in December of 1933 was the first manifestation of new a political line of the Cuban government led by Grau San Martín. The Conference took place just a few months after the Revolution of 1933 which overthrew Gerardo Machado's dictatorship. The previous Pan-American conference was held in Havana and not all Latin American countries recognized the previous Cuban government. Similarly, the new Cuban government was not fully acknowledged at the time. Another important dimension of international politics lied in the complex and tense relations with the United States.


Author(s):  
Tiffany A. Sippial

This chapter addresses Sánchez’s role within the post- revolutionary Cuban state. Sánchez served in several official positions in the Cuban government, including Secretary to the President and as a member of the Communist Party. She initiated and executed with almost complete autonomy a vast array of large-scale construction projects. She also traveled widely both nationally and internationally as an ambassador for the revolution. She attended to individual Cubans’ daily concerns in ways that shaped how Cubans understood her as an example of the New Woman.


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