scholarly journals Towards a Balanced Synergy of Visions and Interests: Latvia’s Perspectives in 16+1 and Belt and Road Initiatives

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (78) ◽  
pp. 37-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andris Spruds

Abstract The article analyses China’s 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives from Latvia’s perspective. Although the initiatives provide engagement on a large scale, it is challenging to achieve the task of achieving a synergy between a variety of stakeholders and interests in the context of a diversity of visions and agendas. The strategic dimension of transcontinental initiatives complicates further the building of synergy. Connectivity is an important and promising principle of both initiatives and transcontinental infrastructural linkages are especially high on the agenda. Mutually beneficial progress, however, must yet be achieved. In times of uncertainty, Central and Eastern European countries, including Latvia, are engaged in a balancing process of potential economic benefits and strategic implications of the 16+1 and Belt and Road initiatives.

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (78) ◽  
pp. 57-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marsela Musabelliu

Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi, ) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, ) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China’s continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China’s accession to WTO in 2001 marked China’s full integration into the global economy and since then the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism “16+1”, with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the “16+1” China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 11-36
Author(s):  
Monika Bąk

The 16+1 concept (including 16 Central and Eastern European countries and China) is complementary to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This article explores different aspects of cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), focusing on the perception of cooperation through the prism of foreign direct investments (FDI) and individual Central and Eastern Europe-16 (CEE-16) countries (bilateral links between China and a given country against the background of CEE-16). This article is an attempt to present and interpret facts and issues related to cooperation as well as to explore rational applications in terms of future forms of cooperation. It is clear that there is a need to develop more effective mechanisms of cooperation, using the established secretariats and other institutions beyond them. The article also makes recommendations for bilateral cooperation between China and individual countries, including actions at the regional level. Moreover, the postulates resulting from this analysis indicate the need to harmonize and improve the availability of economic data relating to economic cooperation within the framework of the 16+1 initiative, especially in the context of the group of European countries outside the European Union (EU).


Orchestration ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 89-114
Author(s):  
James Reilly

This chapter begins with China’s ambitious effort to create an entirely new regional grouping: the China–CEEC (Central and Eastern European Countries) Partnership, or “16+1.” Despite the paucity of China’s economic presence, its fragile diplomatic ties in the region, and flimsy regional coherence, 16+1 proved largely successful. The second case, examining Beijing’s investment promotion efforts, demonstrates Beijing’s capacity for learning and adaptation. The third case explores Beijing’s creative response to CEEC trade deficits, including its strategic provision of export certifications and encouragement for Chinese agricultural firms to invest in CEE countries while expanding their exports to China. The final case assesses China’s bilateral influence attempts: targeting key CEE states by providing economic benefits. Across these four cases, Beijing’s orchestration approach proved largely effective, rapidly mobilizing broad participation with high implementation coherence at low cost.


Author(s):  
Tobias Spöri ◽  
Felix Jaitner

Since the outbreak of the financial and economic crisis in 2008, Eastern European countries have been affected severely by the crisis through intensified austerity measures, higher unemployment rates, and increasing dissatisfaction with democracy. Against this backdrop, the region has experienced several large-scale protest movements in recent years. The paper critically assesses the state of the art on political participation in Eastern Europe. Special attention is paid to the still underplayed effects of the global economic crisis. Subsequently, the question is raised whether the increased number of protests indicates a deeper societal crisis. Thereby, the authors conclude, Eastern Europe serves to a certain extend as a trendsetter for similar developments in other parts of Europe.


2019 ◽  
pp. 647-654
Author(s):  
Viktor Konstantynov

The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 155 (21) ◽  
pp. 833-837 ◽  
Author(s):  
József Marton ◽  
Attila Pandúr ◽  
Emese Pék ◽  
Krisztina Deutsch ◽  
Bálint Bánfai ◽  
...  

Introduction: Better knowledge and skills of basic life support can save millions of lives each year in Europe. Aim: The aim of this study was to measure the knowledge about basic life support in European students. Method: From 13 European countries 1527 volunteer participated in the survey. The questionnaire consisted of socio-demographic questions and knowledge regarding basic life support. The maximum possible score was 18. Results: Those participants who had basic life support training earned 11.91 points, while those who had not participated in lifesaving education had 9.6 points (p<0.001). Participants from former socialist Eastern European countries reached 10.13 points, while Western Europeans had average 10.85 points (p<0.001). The best results were detected among the Swedish students, and the worst among the Belgians. Conclusions: Based on the results, there are significant differences in the knowledge about basic life support between students from different European countries. Western European youth, and those who were trained had better performance. Orv. Hetil., 2014, 155(21), 833–837.


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