Newsletter

2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alleen Pace Nilsen

AbstractEven before the complications of counting hanging chads, dimples, and pregnants on the Florida ballots, the United States' 2000 Presidential election was chalked up as a situation in which people were laughing more at the candidates than with them. The one bright spot was Joseph I. Lieberman, who “became the first vice-presidential candidate in American history to begin his convention speech with a mother-in-law joke.” After he was introduced by his wife, Hadassah, he said.

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 600-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott L. Fulford ◽  
Felipe Schwartzman

We develop a method to use the one-time cross-sectional impact of a cleanly identified shock to identify its aggregate impact through the use of a factor model. We apply this methodology to evaluate the importance of fluctuations to the commitment to a currency peg for macroeconomic outcomes during the gold standard period in the United States. The presidential election in 1896 provides a cleanly identified positive shock to commitment to the gold standard. After the election, bank leverage increased substantially, particularly in states where gold was in greater use. Using the latent factor identified by the election, we find that full commitment to gold had the potential to reduce the volatility of real activity overall by a significant amount in the last two decades of the nineteenth century, as well as substantially mitigate the economic depression starting in 1893.


2019 ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Core Europe and North America have often imagined themselves to be invulnerable to the Russian influence campaigns that have affected smaller, weaker countries in the lands in between. However, in recent years, that perception has broken down as Russia regularly hacks democratic elections in the West, sponsors extremists, spreads disinformation, and may have tipped the US 2016 presidential election to Donald Trump. The West now exhibits a similar politics to what we observe in the lands in between—with growing political extremism and polarization on the one hand and the rise of cynical power brokers on the other who seek to profit from both sides of an intensifying divide. Increasingly, democratic elections seem to pose a “civilizational choice” between the forces of liberal democracy and authoritarian nationalism on the Russian model.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Heather M. Claypool ◽  
Alejandro Trujillo ◽  
Michael J. Bernstein ◽  
Steven Young

Presidential elections in the United States pit two (or more) candidates against each other. Voters elect one and reject the others. This work tested the hypothesis that supporters of a losing presidential candidate may experience that defeat as a personal rejection. Before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, voters reported their current feelings of rejection and social pain, along with potential predictors of these feelings. Relative to Trump supporters, Clinton (losing candidate) supporters reported greater feelings of rejection, lower mood, and reduced fundamental needs post-election, while controlling for pre-election levels of these variables. Moreover, as self–candidate closeness and liberal political orientation increased, so too did feelings of rejection and social pain among Clinton supporters. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding human sensitivity to belonging threats and for the vicarious rejection literature.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (7) ◽  
pp. 651-674
Author(s):  
Dale Craig Tatum

Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election was the biggest upset in American history. Trump propelled himself to victory by running a racist campaign that targeted the White working-class voters by assuring them that he would be their agent and would redeem the country on behalf their shared Whiteness by deporting Mexican immigrants, banning Muslims, and stopping and frisking African Americans. The racial wedge that Trump used was the result of the enduring legacy of Bacon’s Rebellion in the United States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316801770941
Author(s):  
Roy Germano

As a presidential candidate, Donald J. Trump argued that he could compel Mexico to pay for a border wall by threatening to restrict the flow of remittances sent by Mexicans living in the United States. The proposal was largely dismissed by the press and the political establishment. American officials, however, have used threats to restrict remittances as leverage before. Some experts believe, in fact, that a threat from three House Republicans to restrict remittance flows to El Salvador changed the outcome of El Salvador’s 2004 presidential election in favor of the pro-trade, US-friendly candidate favored by the Bush administration. The objectives of this article are to demonstrate that Trump’s proposal to use remittances as leverage has precedent and to use survey data to attempt to evaluate the claim that a threat to restrict remittances influenced the outcome of the 2004 Salvadoran presidential election. Statistical tests suggest that remittance recipients were indeed more likely to vote for the Bush administration’s preferred candidate in the 2004 election; however, it does not appear that remittance recipients changed the outcome, nor is it clear from the available data whether the remittances threat or some other factor caused remittance recipients to vote differently than non-recipients.


Daedalus ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 140 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Hochschild ◽  
Vesla M. Weaver ◽  
Traci Burch

Are racial disparities in the United States just as deep-rooted as they were before the 2008 presidential election, largely eliminated, or persistent but on the decline? One can easily find all of these pronouncements; rather than trying to adjudicate among them, this essay seeks to identify what is changing in the American racial order, what persists or is becoming even more entrenched, and what is likely to affect the balance between change and continuity. The authors focus on young American adults, who were raised in a distinctive racial context and who think about and practice race differently than their older counterparts. For many young Americans, racial attitudes are converging across groups and social networks are becoming more intertwined. Most important, although group-based hierarchy has not disappeared, race or ethnicity does less to predict a young adult's life chances than ever before in American history.


2020 ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
Alexander Shumilin ◽  

The article analyzes the state of relations between transatlantic partners in the context of the presidential campaign in the United States, and also attempts to predict their development after November 2020.The presidency of D. Trump thoroughly shook the foundations of Euro-Atlantic solidarity. This applies to the parties' adherence to democratic values (Trump does not hide his sympathy for European leaders with a penchant for authoritarianism), and also applies to the interaction of the US and the EU in the trade, economic and military fields. While most European elites prefer the Democratic candidate Biden to win the presidential election, many analysts believe that his probable arrival in the White House will hardly change much. Transatlantic relations have already entered a stage of serious transformation. We can witness the emergence of a “new normal” in transatlantic relations, accepted by Brussels on the one hand and, apparently, by Biden's team, on the other. It is designed to reduce the previous scale of the EU's dependence on the United States in the field of defense, while fixing issues in relation where the approaches of the allies may not completely coincide or even differ significantly (a striking example is the fate of the “Nord Stream 2”). If implemented, this model of relations may prevent the emergence of new lines of tension between allies in the transatlantic partnership.


Author(s):  
Ji-Yeon O. Jo

Unlike Korean Chinese and CIS Koreans, who migrated to their diaspora countries before 1945, the majority of Korean Americans migrated to the United States between the 1970s and the 1990s. This chapter traces Korean American history from the early twentieth century, when the first organized migration to the United States took place, to the present, illuminating how Korean/Asian Americans have continuously been positioned as “foreigners” in the racial landscape of the United States. In navigating racial relationships in the United States, Korean Americans developed an equivocal stance toward the maintenance of the Korean language and ethnic Korean identity: on the one hand, they consider the Korean language to be integral to ethnic identity, and they also take pride in their Korean ethnicity; on the other hand, they actively differentiate themselves from native Koreans and have created their own intraethnic hierarchy for Koreans in Korea and Koreans in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Sabina Magliocco

This essay introduces a special issue of Nova Religio on magic and politics in the United States in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election. The articles in this issue address a gap in the literature examining intersections of religion, magic, and politics in contemporary North America. They approach political magic as an essentially religious phenomenon, in that it deals with the spirit world and attempts to motivate human behavior through the use of symbols. Covering a range of practices from the far right to the far left, the articles argue against prevailing scholarly treatments of the use of esoteric technologies as a predominantly right-wing phenomenon, showing how they have also been operationalized by the left in recent history. They showcase the creativity of magic as a form of human cultural expression, and demonstrate how magic coexists with rationality in contemporary western settings.


Screen Bodies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-37
Author(s):  
David Yagüe González

The behaviors and actions that an individual carries out in their daily life and how they are translated by their society overdetermine the gender one might have—or not—according to social norms. However, do the postulates enounced by feminist and queer Western thinkers still maintain their validity when the context changes? Can the performances of gender carry out their validity when the landscape is other than the one in Europe or the United States? And how can the context of drag complicate these matters? These are the questions that this article will try to answer by analyzing the 2015 movie Viva by Irish director Paddy Breathnach.


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