Church, State and Secularism in Asia: The Public Nature of the Church in Timor-Leste

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-348
Author(s):  
Joel Hodge

Abstract The Western discourse and norms around secularism, particularly Church-state relations, are foreign in many ways to the majority world, especially Asia. However, as the modern nation-state has taken root in Asia, different models of secularism have developed with interesting relationships to the particular cultural and religious context of each country. In the difficult course of forming a secular nation-state, Asian nations have had to address the dominant religious traditions and institutions of each nation, including Christian churches. This process has occasionally provoked conflict and has presented a particular dilemma to Christian churches in how to respond and relate to the developing nation-state. In order for theology to adequately address this situation (particular the context of modern secular discourses) and conceptualise the public shape and role of the church, a practical examination of the church’s relationship to and formation of culture and politics is required. To explore this process, this essay examines the case of Timor-Leste (or East Timor) and its relationship with the Roman Catholic Church, particularly in regards to the state-building process that has occurred after independence. The Church’s influence, which grew rapidly during the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), has been contested since independence by some in the political sphere, such as in the 2005 dispute with the Government. By examining the 2005 dispute, the essay analyses the nature of the Catholic Church’s influence on Timorese cultural and political identity and her relationship with the new Timorese nation-state. The essay identifies the different models of secularism operative in Timor as they have relevance to the Asian context more generally.

1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert L. Michaels

The man of the Revolution disputed the very nature of Mexico with the Roman Catholic. The revolutionary, whether Callista or Cardenista, believed that the church had had a pernicious influence on the history of Mexico. He claimed that Mexico could not become a modern nation until the government had eradicated all the influence of the Roman Catholic Church. The Catholic, on the other hand, was convinced that his religion was the basis of Mexico's nationality. Above all, the Catholic believed that Mexico needed a system of order. He was convinced that his faith had brought order and peace to Mexico in the colonial period, and as the faith declined, Mexico degenerated into anarchy.


Author(s):  
Magdel Le Roux

Many early Christian churches incorporated a number of non-biblical, even “pagan” symbols and rituals into their liturgy (e. g. the origin of Christmas). They were contextualized into the church by a brand new Christian content to them. From its first inception Christianity attempted to slander and suppress the pagan myths and rituals in the name of its own message. This, however, does not alter the fact that the church also sought some connections in the sphere of myth. Since the Reformation many Protestant churches have tended to “cleanse” the church from all forms of symbols and rituals that could be reminiscent of its earlier connection with the Roman Catholic Church. The article argues that this left an emptiness, a longing for symbols and rituals which usually form an essential part of a normal religious experience. The Old Testament has both a “deficit” and a “surplus” which might have an abiding significance for Christians. It has become clear from archaeological discoveries that Jewish societies formed an integral part of early Christian societies.


Via Latgalica ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Vladislavs Malahovskis

The aim of the paper is to reflect the political activities of the Roman Catholic Church in two periods of the history of Latvia and the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia – in the period of First Independence of the Republic of Latvia, basically in the 1920s, and in the period following the restoration of Latvia’s independence. With the foundation of the independent state of Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church experienced several changes; - bishops of the Roman Catholic Church were elected from among the people; - the Riga diocese was restored the administrative borders of which were coordinated with the borders of the state of Latvia; - priests of the Roman Catholic Church were acting also in political parties and in the Latvian Parliament. For the Church leadership, active involvement of clergymen in politics was, on the one hand, a risky undertaking (Francis Trasuns’ experience), but, on the other hand, a necessary undertaking, since in this way the Roman Catholic Church attempted to exercise control over politicians and also affect the voters in the elections for the Saeima. The status of the Church in the State of Latvia was legally secured by the concordat signed in the spring of 1922 which provided for a range of privileges to the Roman Catholic Church: - other Christian denominations in Latvia are functioning in accordance with the regulations elaborated by the State Control and confirmed by the Ministry of the Interior, but the Roman Catholic Church is functioning according to the canons set by the Vatican; - releasing the priests from military service, introduction of the Chaplaincy Institution; - releasing the churches, seminary facilities, bishops’ apartments from taxes; - a license for the activity of Roman Catholic orders; - the demand to deliver over one of the church buildings belonging to Riga Evangelical Lutherans to the Roman Catholics. With the regaining of Latvia’s independence, the Roman Catholic Church of Latvia again took a considerable place in the formation of the public opinion and also in politics. However, unlike the parliamentarian period of the independent Latvia, the Roman Catholic Church prohibited the priests to involve directly in politics and considered it unadvisable to use the word “Christian” in the titles of political parties. Nowadays, the participation of the Roman Catholic Church in politics is indirect. The Church is able to influence the public opinion, and actually it does. The Roman Catholic Church does not attempt to grasp power, but to a certain extent it can, at least partly, influence the authorities so that they count with the interests of Catholic believers. Increase of popularity of the Roman Catholic Church in the world facilitated also the increase of the role of the Roma Catholic Church in Latvia. The visit of the Pope in Latvia in 1993 was a great event not only for the Catholic believers but also for the whole state of Latvia. In the autumn of 2002, in Rome, a concordat was signed between the Republic of Latvia and the Vatikan which is to be classified not only as an agreement between the Roman Catholic Church in Latvia and the state of Latvia but also as an international agreement. Since the main foreign policy aim of Latvia is integration in the European Union and strengthening its positions on the international arena, Vatican as a powerful political force was and still is a sound guarantee and support in international relations.


2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (101) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Juan A. Ruiz de Gopegui

O artigo evoca o que significou, não só para a Igreja católica romana, mas para a Igreja de Jesus Cristo, presente também em outras Igrejas cristãs, a iniciativa inspirada de João XXIII de convocar o Concílio Vaticano II. Estuda-se o complexo problema da recepção do Concílio e mostra-se que a crise atual do aggiornamento Conciliar é resultado, paradoxalmente, do seu sucesso, analisado a partir de três temas conciliares: a soberania da Palavra divina e sua tradição, a eclesiologia de comunhão e as aberturas ecumênicas desta eclesiologia. Conclui-se mostrando a obrigatoriedade para a Igreja do aggiornamento conciliar e o seu futuro.ABSTRACT: The article evokes what John XXIII’s initiative of convoking the Vatican II council meant not only for the Roman Catholic Church , but also for the church of Jesus Christ, present in ther Christian churches. It studies the complex issue of the council reception and shows that the current crisis of conciliar aggiornamento is paradoxically the result of its success by analyzing three conciliar themes: the sovereignty of divine Word and its tradition, the ecclesiology of communion, and the ecumenical openness of this ecclesiology. It concludes by showing the mandatory character of the conciliar aggiornamento for the church and its future.


1996 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
John T. Smith

The Wesleyan Church in the second half of the nineteenth century exhibited a high degree of anti-Catholicism, a phenomenon which had intensified with the ‘Romanising’ influence of the Tractarian movement in the Church of England. To many Wesleyans Roman and Anglo-Catholicism seemed synonymous and the battleground of faith was to be elementary education. The conflict began earlier in the century. When in 1848 Roman Catholic schools made application to the government for grants similar to those offered to the Wesleyans there was an immediate split in Wesleyan ranks. At the Conference in Hull in 1848 Beaumont, Osborn and William Bunting attacked their leadership. They claimed that Methodists should not accept grants in common with Catholics. Jabez Bunting, the primary Wesleyan spokesman of his age, was however rather less critical of the Roman Catholic Church than he had been previously and clearly advocated the continuation of the grant:


Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piet Konings

ABSTRACTThis article explores the reasons for, and the repercussions of, a virulent and protracted crisis in the South West Province of anglophone Cameroon during the 1990s caused by the emergence of a Pentecostalism-inspired revival movement within the Roman Catholic Church. The so-called Maranatha movement and main-line Catholicism were viewed by both parties as incompatible, almost leading to a schism within the Church. The originally internal Church dispute gradually became a particularly explosive issue in the region when the politics of belonging, fuelled by the government and the regional elite during political liberalisation, became pervasive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-118
Author(s):  
Marek Stępień

After the Second World War communists took over the power in Poland. The main purpose of the ruling party was introducing the principles of Marxist philosophy. In the center of ideological fight was the Roman Catholic Church perceived as serious obstacle or even threat in achieving their goals. In the years 1980-1981, the Polish authorities again declared their will to normalize relations and to reactivate the Joint Commission of the Government and the Episcopate. The communists as the rulers counted on the help of the Church in calming social moods and normalizing the situation after the unrest and strikes that took place at that time. The talks however did not bring any significant effects. Only a few small matters were settled.


Author(s):  
Eduardas Brusokas

A public event, whichever kind it may be – entertaining, educational, educative, and formative, strengthens and rallies individuals into community, amplifying mutual ties, shaping and engrafting common values. Such events allow each and every one to feel a part of a larger common action or undertaking. First public events after the insurgence of 1794 took place right after the capital fell under control of the rebels. In three and a half months Vilnius saw at least ten public events of the rebels. All these events could be divided into secular and religious. Seven of those event could be considered secular: solemn pronouncements of the government – 1 (announcement of the Act of Insurgence and a public oath); military parades – 2 (Vilnius Guards and armed forces of Vilnius voivodeship); commemorations – 1 (commemoration of the Constitution of 3 May 1791); public punishments (three times). Secular events by the rebels were quite closely linked to the church, since often they were concluded with some religious note, usually a mass. Speaking of religious events it is important to note that the Curia of Vilnius bishopric supported the insurgence, and commissioned clergy to attend events organized by the leadership of the insurgence, initiating such events as well. Roman Catholic Church held two solemn burials of the rebels and a one solemn mass with a procession. Most (i.e. half ) of the secular and religious events of the rebels took place in May. In the most important events, such as announcement of the Act of Insurgence or solemn burial of rebels, in addition to the crowds from all social levels members of the Council of Lithuania, clergy of all ranks, members of the Senate of Vilnius University and professors, and army officers participated as well. Members of the city magistrates are mentioned less frequently, and it might be the case that most of them also belonged to other institutions of the rebels. Smaller events were attended by representatives of all aforementioned institutions. Secular events were held under open sky – city hall square and the square of military campus, possibly not far from Pohulianka, whereas major church events took place in the Church of St Johns. Keywords: 1794 insurgence, insurgence of Tadeusz Kościuszko, public events, Church of St Johns, city hall square, Pohulianka.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-486
Author(s):  
David I. Kertzer ◽  
Gunnar Mokosch

AbstractThe role played by Christianity and Christian churches in the demonization of the Jews by the German National Socialist and Italian Fascist regimes remains a subject of intense controversy. The historiography at the base of this debate has been largely rooted in research on either Germany or Italy, yet comparative empirical study is particularly well-suited to allow broader generalizations. Such work is especially valuable given the very different relationships the two regimes maintained with the churches. This article identifies similarities and differences in the Nazi and Italian Fascist uses of Christianity in their efforts to turn their populations against the Jews through examination of two of their most influential popular anti-Semitic propaganda vehicles: La difesa della razza in Italy and Der Stürmer in Germany. Both mixed pseudoscientific racial theories with arguments based on Christian religious authority, and both presented themselves as defenders of Christianity against the Jewish threat. Yet while the Italian publication, reflecting the Fascist regime's close relationship with the Roman Catholic Church, took care to present itself as in harmony with the Church, the German publication adopted a much more critical attitude toward contemporary German churches and churchmen, casting them as having strayed from the true teachings of Jesus.


2016 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-139
Author(s):  
Joanna Dworzecka

Belorussification is explained as the process of change of direction of thelocal Roman Catholic Church from Polish national to Belarussian. It aimsto becoming an independent Church as the religious standalone institutionon the area of the autonomous Republic of Belarus. In practice it primarilymeans the change of the language used in the local Church. It causes anopposition on the part of the faithful (mainly from the older generation)and the Union of Poles in Belarus.The dispute about belorussification incorporates political, identity, historicaland practical issues. The Synod of the Archdiocese of Minsk-Mohilev,Pinsk and Vitebsk in 2000 ordained both languages (Polish and Belarussian)as languages of the Roman Catholic Church in dioceses participating inthe synod in Belarus. It depends on priests’ decision in what language theycommunicate with faithful and celebrate the church liturgical services.Basically the priests want to fulfill their role as pastors and hence theychoose the language suitable to communicate with the faithful – Belarussianand even Russian, whereas Polish is used for prayers only where it isexplicitly mentioned. The choice made by them is not dictated by politicalorganizations, but it is the conscious and calculated decision consideringthe neeeds of the faithful, the political correctness and personal attitudetowards missionary work.The paper is an attempt to respond to the accusation of Roman Dzwonkowski,Ewa Golachowska and Zdzisław Winnicki who claim that the churchesat present have become a tool of belorussification of Poles, in particularchildren and teenagers, by the clergy which has come from Poland. Thesubject raised in this thesis aims at explaining the decision of the priestswho choose belorussification, by taking into account their perspective andthe historical-political context.


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