“Did Obamacare create new jobs?” – An analysis of Mitt Romney’s use of rhetorical questions in the 2012 US presidential election campaign

Author(s):  
Steven Ming-Chiu Wong ◽  
Foong Ha Yap

AbstractThis paper examines how Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney’s use of rhetorical questions (RQs) in the 2012 US presidential election varies depending on the target audience. We first classify the US states into: (i) Democrat-safe states, (ii) Republican-safe states, and (iii) swing states. We then examine Romney’s use of RQs in his 48 speeches in terms of their (i) frequency, (ii) question type, (iii) topic, and (iv) function. Our findings reveal that Romney tended to ask more RQs in the swing states and the Democrat-safe states in comparison to the Republican-safe states. Moreover, in the swing states, most of Romney’s RQs were yes/no questions, which tended to be more direct, while in the Democrat-safe states, Romney used both yes/no and

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 831-856
Author(s):  
Damian J. Rivers ◽  
Andrew S. Ross

Abstract The construction of a wall along the US/Mexico border was one of the main political platforms upon which the 2016 US presidential election campaign was fought. Ahead of the upcoming 2020 US presidential election, and with the border wall still not yet built or funded, this article uses the authorisation component of Van Leeuwen’s (2007) framework for the discourse of legitimation to show how President Donald J. Trump has sought legitimacy for the construction of the border wall. Data is taken from Trump’s @realDonaldTrump Twitter postings between October 18th, 2018 and February 3rd, 2019, a period inclusive of the longest federal government shutdown in US history. We show how Trump’s Twitter language is frequently accompanied by evidence-less attacks on sources of rival opinion or information, while the president tends to reaffirm himself as the exclusive source of credible and truthful information.


2019 ◽  
pp. 8-46
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Russia’s hybrid war on the West started in 2007, but was only widely recognized in the West after President Putin’s return to the presidency of Russia in 2012, Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, and its meddling in the US presidential election campaign in 2016. For five years, Western leaders failed to recognize or to believe that Russia was engaged in an all-out struggle to undermine Western institutions through funding extremist, anti-EU, and anti-NATO political parties, spreading disinformation and propaganda, hacking and releasing information, and using a wide variety of covert means to influence elections and undermine democratic governance. Since the very existence of this hybrid war has been questioned and politicized, this chapter lays out the basics and addresses the question of what led Russia to launch its hybrid war on the West.


Subject The implications for Japan of the US presidential election. Significance US presidential election campaign rhetoric has sparked serious concerns in Japan about Washington's commitment to the East Asia region in the context of a long-term rise in geopolitical tensions. Republican candidate Donald Trump has publicly questioned the value of the US-Japan alliance, while Democratic Party candidate Hillary Clinton has muted her previous support for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement, seen as the economic component of the US 'rebalance' to Asia under President Barack Obama's administration. Impacts Doubts about the US commitment to the region work to Beijing's advantage. The US government's likely failure to ratify the TPP will damage perceptions of Washington's commitment to the region. Though occasionally mooted, the idea of developing nuclear weapons is a non-starter in Japan.


Author(s):  
Justin Grimmer

This paper continues an analysis, begun in the December 2004 issue, that employed panel data to estimate the effects of awareness and political partisanship on post-convention candidate evaluations. The derivation of a theoretical framework was discussed in Part 1 [1]. Empirical results using data from the US presidential election of 2000 are discussed in the present article. We find that partisans of the opposite party were more resistant to the convention message of Bush than Gore, that awareness played a greater role in determining a predicted post-convention change for Gore, and that Gore’s message was received and accepted at a higher rate than Bush’s message.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (02) ◽  
pp. 1750002
Author(s):  
FRANK C. S. LIU ◽  
RYAN Y. P. CHANG ◽  
ALEXANDER C. TAN

As political scientists start applying the complex-system approach to study party politics and as business scholars start to apply communication theories to study deinstitutionalization, we prospect a new possibility to study and explain politics within a political party. This study employs a systematically collected field observation data to evaluate Clemente and Roulet’s (2015) “the spiral of deinstitutionalization” framework. Based on analysis of news events and internal reports within Kuomintang from April 20 to October 17, 2015, we believe that this framework facilitates explanation about how the decision of nominating Hung Hsiu-Chu as the party’s first female presidential candidate was replaced three months before the Election Day. We interpret the whole story and provide details that contribute to enriching the framework for future organizational and political party research.


nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Denis Yaremov

This article examines the phenomenon of modern alternative media being used during US presidential elections in 2016 as a propaganda tool in order to mobilize widespread political support from groups previously considered fringe. It also aims to clearly define terms such as "alternative media" and "new media" in the context of modern political praxis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Al Fauzi Rahmat ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo

The presence of a Kiyai in political contestation in Indonesia has its own challenges because it is motivated by a religious figure who believes that voters can support themselves, especially Muslim voters. Furthermore, the Kiyai carried out various strategies to lure voters effectively on social media, referred Twitter accounts a strategic platform to lure voters in a political context. This article aims to identify political branding using social media Twitter by KH. Ma’ruf Amin as a vice-presidential candidate in the 2019 presidential election contest. Furthermore, qualitative methods are used for this research. Then, the analyzer uses NVivo 12 plus software to see the coding intensity of the KH Twitter account. KH Ma’ruf Amin namely @Kiyai_Marufamin, this tool can provide capture code of capture from a tweet that displays the intensity level. The results of this study indicate that KH. Ma’ruf Amin uses social media Twitter as a tool to find support, especially for Muslim voters. Social media activities in the period February 2019 - April 2019 were considered to have high intensity of coverage, this identified that the distribution of tweets by KH. Ma’ruf Amin is more about spreading tweets along with pictures, formal language and visual style against the background of a Kiyai. Thus, Twitter @Kiyai_Marufamin can provide a good political brand for KH. Ma’ruf Amin as a vice presidential candidate to participate in the 2019 presidential election in Indonesia.Keywords: Twitter, political branding, KH. Ma’ruf Amin, 2019 presidential election campaign ABSTRAKKehadiran dari seorang Kiyai dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia memiliki tantangan tersendiri karena dilatarbelakangi seorang agamawan yang meyakini bahwa pemilih dapat mendukung dirinya, terutama pemilih Muslim. Selanjutnya seorang Kiyai melakukan berbagai strategi untuk memancing pemilih secara efektif di media sosial, dimana akun Twitter sebagai platform strategis untuk memikat para pemilih dalam kontekstasi politik. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifi-kasi branding politik menggunakan media sosial Twitter oleh KH. Ma’ruf Amin sebagai kandidat wakil presiden dalam kontes pemilihan presiden 2019.  Selanjutnya, metode kualitatif digunakan untuk penelitian ini. Kemudian, alat analisa menggunakan perangkat lunak NVivo 12 plus untuk melihat intensitas pengkodean dari akun Twitter KH. Ma’ruf Amin yaitu @Kiyai_Marufamin, alat ini mampu memberikan laju koding tangkapan dari tweet yang menampilkan tingkat intensitas. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa KH. Ma’ruf Amin menggunakan media sosial Twitter sebagai alat untuk mencari dukungan, terutama bagi pemilih Muslim. Kegiatan media sosial pada periode Februari 2019 - April 2019 dianggap memiliki intensitas liputan yang tinggi, hal ini mengidentifikasikan bahwa distribusi tweet oleh KH. Ma’ruf Amin lebih tentang menyebarkan tweet bersama dengan gambar, bahasa formal dan gaya visual dengan latar belakang seorang Kiyai. Dengan demikian, Twitter @Kiyai_Marufamin dianggap dapat memberikan merek politik yang bagus untuk KH. Ma’ruf Amin sebagai kandidat wakil presiden untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 di Indonesia.Kata kunci: Twitter, merek politik, KH. Ma’ruf Amin, kampanye pemilihan presiden 2019


Author(s):  
N.A. Ryabchenko ◽  
O.P. Malysheva ◽  
V.V. Katermina

The networked society is permeated with processes generated within numerous horizontal structures of the public sphere in the online space. An empirical study based on network analysis and graph visualization methodology allowed us to understand why D. Trump, using the same political communication strategy on Twitter that allowed him to win in 2015, lost the 2020 US Presidential Election. Who and how transformed the political content created by D. Trump's team; who became the influencer that changed and destroyed the discourse field originally created to support D. Trump in the second term campaign? The empirical data (a continuous sample of network data amounted to 2 million messages), which we used to constructs and analyze the discourse fields, comprises the messages published by ordinary users, supporters, opponents and D. Trump's team on Twitter within the period from March 1, 2020 to October 30, 2020. The study showed that D. Trump's second election campaign in 2020 was also based on network populism. However, the “negative information background” (Covid-19, Black Lives Matter) split the discursive fields he formed, which eventually resulted in ban from online platforms and election defeat. The technologies D. Trump used in his first election campaign, and which led him to the US presidency, actually became a potent weapon in the hands of his opponents in the second election campaign.


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