scholarly journals Role of alternative media in the US 2016 presidential election campaign.

nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Denis Yaremov

This article examines the phenomenon of modern alternative media being used during US presidential elections in 2016 as a propaganda tool in order to mobilize widespread political support from groups previously considered fringe. It also aims to clearly define terms such as "alternative media" and "new media" in the context of modern political praxis.

Author(s):  
Y. Tsarik

The 2020 political crisis in Belarus erupted against the backdrop of major confrontation in the Belarus–Russia relations. The article looks into the role of Russia and domestic Belarusian factors in creating prerequisites for this political crisis. Since the 1990s, good relationship with Russia have been the source of not only the “integration rent” for Minsk, keeping the specific Belarusian economic model working, but also of the political support from Moscow provided both directly (for instance, through positive coverage of the Belarusian agenda by those Russian federal media that were popular in Belarus) and in indirect forms, such as through maintaining overall positive image of the bilateral relationship. Russia’s role was important for maintaining the loyalty of each major social group at the core of Lukashenko’s support base. Deterioration of the Belarus–Russia relations in 2004–2006, 2008–2010, and 2018–2020 expectedly led to political and economic crises in Belarus. As, by the start of presidential election campaign in Belarus in 2020, Moscow withdrew its main types of support to Lukashenko’s regime, a political crisis was expectable. However, the exact form and scenario of the crisis was shaped by domestic factors, as well as by the country’s leadership’s response to Russia’s pressure. Those domestic factors included accumulated mistakes, disbalances, and dysfunctions in the actions taken by the Belarusian authorities since the late 2016 through 2020. Errors such as the mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic were among the immediate triggers of the 2020 crisis. The 2020 developments thus demonstrated a major breakdown of previously effective Belarusian preventive authoritarianism. The internal drivers and dynamics of this breakdown require a more profound study.


Upravlenie ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-103
Author(s):  
Лебедева ◽  
Lyudmila Lebedeva ◽  
Емельянов ◽  
E. Emelyanov

The article examines fundamental demographic changes in the USA that have been shifting the electorate and as a result - American politics; with wide gaps between the generations on key social, economic, political issues. The US presidential elections since 1980 were dominated by baby boomers (born 1946-1964) and prior generations, who have cast the vast majority of votes in every presidential election. The 2016 electorate has been the most diverse in the US history due to strong growth of young generations, and especially among Hispanic eligible voters. Millennials (born 1981–1998) and X generation (born 1965-1980) surpassed Baby Boomers and more old generations whose choices differ significantly in many fields; but the key problem is who really votes. The age structure of the American electorate and its influence on the election results; the role of pensioners and those, who’ll retire in the nearest future, as voters at the federal and state levels are in focus.


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The paper considers the course and outcomes of 2019 Presidential election campaign in Abkhazia as well as factors that stipulated its character (postponement of elections because of Aslan Bzhania’s disease, the number of contenders, etc.). The alignment of forces before the campaign is outlined, and the principal contenders are characterized, together with political forces that promoted them. A due attention is paid to the extraordinary polycentrism of Abkhaz politics, in  which not only the authority, opposition and the “third force” but also various electoral competitors of both the authority and the opposition, as well as numerous contenders to the role of the “third force” co-exist. Such disposition led to scattering of the electorate at the presidential election. The course of the electoral campaign is scrutinized with an emphasis put on the analysis of programmatic provisions of the contenders and their political style. The political maneuvers of the authority, opposition and Alexander Ankvab’ team between two rounds of the elections are traced. A special attention is paid to the causes of Raul Khajimba’s victory. The situation after the elections is also considered in the paper, and a prognosis is suggested of possible development.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Sergeevich Butorov ◽  
Viktor Vyacheslavovich Bulkin

The object of the research is the participation of American youth in socio-political life of the country in 2020. The authors consider the main prerequisites and processes of youth participation in protests. The article contains the review and analysis of the most significant reasons of youth participation in protests. The authors study the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. as a result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts strengthened by the range of political, ethnic, and race factors and the COVID-19 pandemic. Special attention is given to the analysis of the role and importance of youth participation in the presidential election campaign in 2020, and the peculiarities of the influence of social media on the involvement of youth into the election process and protest movement. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the role of youth is socio-political life in the U.S. in the context of the escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural processes, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, hasn’t been studied sufficiently enough in Russian academic discourse. The main conclusion of the research is as follows: the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. is the result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is obvious that the role of youth in the modern political life in the U.S. will keep steadily growing.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 831-856
Author(s):  
Damian J. Rivers ◽  
Andrew S. Ross

Abstract The construction of a wall along the US/Mexico border was one of the main political platforms upon which the 2016 US presidential election campaign was fought. Ahead of the upcoming 2020 US presidential election, and with the border wall still not yet built or funded, this article uses the authorisation component of Van Leeuwen’s (2007) framework for the discourse of legitimation to show how President Donald J. Trump has sought legitimacy for the construction of the border wall. Data is taken from Trump’s @realDonaldTrump Twitter postings between October 18th, 2018 and February 3rd, 2019, a period inclusive of the longest federal government shutdown in US history. We show how Trump’s Twitter language is frequently accompanied by evidence-less attacks on sources of rival opinion or information, while the president tends to reaffirm himself as the exclusive source of credible and truthful information.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 260-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Craft

This monograph begins a rethinking of the idea of professional journalism ethics and examines how ethics is being employed as a key differentiator between amateurs (audience members, citizen journalists, and the like) and professionals, while other once-distinguishing features of journalism have become more widely dispersed and available to the public. How do the ethics of nonprofessionals practicing journalism differ, if at all, from everyday morality? Is journalism ethics—should journalism ethics be—the exclusive domain of professionals? This monograph considers the role of ethics in defining what it means to be a professional journalist; challenges to professional journalism’s autonomy from “amateurs” and how ethics is used to maintain boundaries between them; and objectivity as a tenet of professional journalism ethics. An analysis of 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign coverage is used to explore how and why a professional journalism centered on an ethic of objectivity can fail to perform ethically.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
Nicoleta Bercaru ◽  
Sorin Bercaru

In an era of communication, technology and dependence on online social networks, Social Media are communication tools that public administrations and especially political actors must learn to use efficiently. Our objective are: (1) analysis of key performance indicators (KPIs) that facilitate the communication on Facebook of the PSD candidate, Viorca Dăncila, Coparativ with the PNL candidate, Klaus Werner Iohannis, during the presidential election campaign, (2) identify and analyze messages that generate high commitment rate from the utiizers, (3) analyzing the dominant emotions generated by the online audience.


2018 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Kristen Hoerl

The conclusion discusses the implications of Hollywood’s selective amnesia regarding late sixties dissent for the 2016 presidential election campaign and contemporary social movements. It explains that while several recent television programs including the award-winning series Mad Men have provided caricatured portrayals of the counterculture, anti-war, and Black Power movements, independent films such as Cesar Chavez and Chicago 10 have celebrated collective protest. The chapter concludes that these recent portrayals of sixties-era activism reveal ongoing contestation about the decade, its legacy, and the role of dissent in contemporary politics. While the bad sixties endures in popular culture, other memories of dissent are resources for imagining empowering models of social justice organizing.


2019 ◽  
pp. 8-46
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Russia’s hybrid war on the West started in 2007, but was only widely recognized in the West after President Putin’s return to the presidency of Russia in 2012, Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, and its meddling in the US presidential election campaign in 2016. For five years, Western leaders failed to recognize or to believe that Russia was engaged in an all-out struggle to undermine Western institutions through funding extremist, anti-EU, and anti-NATO political parties, spreading disinformation and propaganda, hacking and releasing information, and using a wide variety of covert means to influence elections and undermine democratic governance. Since the very existence of this hybrid war has been questioned and politicized, this chapter lays out the basics and addresses the question of what led Russia to launch its hybrid war on the West.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark J. Brandt ◽  
Daniel C. Wisneski ◽  
Linda J. Skitka

People vary in the extent to which they imbue an attitude with moral conviction; however, little is known about what makes an issue transform from a relatively non-moral preference to a moral conviction. In the context of the 2012 U.S. presidential election, we test if affect and beliefs (thoughts about harms and benefits) are antecedents or consequences of participants’ moral conviction about their candidate preferences, or are some combination of both. Using a longitudinal design in the run-up to the election, we find that, overall, affect is both an antecedent and consequence, and beliefs about harms and benefits are only consequences, of changes in moral conviction related to candidate preferences. The affect results were consistent across liberals, conservatives, and moderates; however, the role of beliefs showed some differences between ideologues (liberals and conservatives) and moderates.


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