Chapter 5. Arguments about ‘rhetoric’ in the 2008 US presidential election campaign

Author(s):  
Robert T. Craig
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 831-856
Author(s):  
Damian J. Rivers ◽  
Andrew S. Ross

Abstract The construction of a wall along the US/Mexico border was one of the main political platforms upon which the 2016 US presidential election campaign was fought. Ahead of the upcoming 2020 US presidential election, and with the border wall still not yet built or funded, this article uses the authorisation component of Van Leeuwen’s (2007) framework for the discourse of legitimation to show how President Donald J. Trump has sought legitimacy for the construction of the border wall. Data is taken from Trump’s @realDonaldTrump Twitter postings between October 18th, 2018 and February 3rd, 2019, a period inclusive of the longest federal government shutdown in US history. We show how Trump’s Twitter language is frequently accompanied by evidence-less attacks on sources of rival opinion or information, while the president tends to reaffirm himself as the exclusive source of credible and truthful information.


2019 ◽  
pp. 8-46
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Russia’s hybrid war on the West started in 2007, but was only widely recognized in the West after President Putin’s return to the presidency of Russia in 2012, Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, and its meddling in the US presidential election campaign in 2016. For five years, Western leaders failed to recognize or to believe that Russia was engaged in an all-out struggle to undermine Western institutions through funding extremist, anti-EU, and anti-NATO political parties, spreading disinformation and propaganda, hacking and releasing information, and using a wide variety of covert means to influence elections and undermine democratic governance. Since the very existence of this hybrid war has been questioned and politicized, this chapter lays out the basics and addresses the question of what led Russia to launch its hybrid war on the West.


Author(s):  
Steven Ming-Chiu Wong ◽  
Foong Ha Yap

AbstractThis paper examines how Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney’s use of rhetorical questions (RQs) in the 2012 US presidential election varies depending on the target audience. We first classify the US states into: (i) Democrat-safe states, (ii) Republican-safe states, and (iii) swing states. We then examine Romney’s use of RQs in his 48 speeches in terms of their (i) frequency, (ii) question type, (iii) topic, and (iv) function. Our findings reveal that Romney tended to ask more RQs in the swing states and the Democrat-safe states in comparison to the Republican-safe states. Moreover, in the swing states, most of Romney’s RQs were yes/no questions, which tended to be more direct, while in the Democrat-safe states, Romney used both yes/no and


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 648-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Nownes

Here, I report the results of two randomized, posttest only, control group, survey experiments in which respondents were exposed to factual information about celebrity support for Hillary Clinton during the 2016 presidential election campaign. Based on previous research, I hypothesize that celebrity endorsements will affect the emotions of enthusiasm, anger, and anxiety vis-à-vis Secretary Clinton. My results provide support for the general notion that celebrity endorsements can affect voter emotions. Specifically, I find that celebrity endorsements profoundly decreased the negative emotions of anger and anxiety vis-à-vis Secretary Clinton. My research suggests that a broad range of stimuli may affect voter emotions, which in turn affect political attitudes and behavior.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Putri Handayani Lubis ◽  
Maria Puspitasari

Entrepreneurship often becomes an alternative profession, while in fact, being an entrepreneur is a strategic choice which is ideally based on strong determination and belief that it is able to change the quality of life. Sandiaga Uno used entrepreneurship narration during the 2019 presidential election campaign in his social media in order to influence the youth. The present study aimed to explore Sandiaga Uno’s entrepreneurship narration on Instagram and to identify the narration in influencing young people during the 2019 presidential election campaign. This study was categorized as qualitative research with thematic analysis. The result of the study found that Uno’s campaign narration focused more on hopes. His narration of entrepreneurship focused on motivating the Millenials without explaining further about the risk of being an entrepreneur and how to fund and maintain a business. Uno utilizes his background as an entrepreneur by motivating his campaign. Uno also invited celebrities and several Actors who have businesses to motivate young people to become entrepreneurs. Risk management needed in an entrepreneur because many entrepreneurs are not prepared to deal with risk so the business that was built cannot last. Likewise, there are still many entrepreneurs who cannot make the most of existing technology to develop its business because of its capacity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Kathrin Weber

Martha Nussbaum’s political theory of compassion offers an extensive and compelling study of the potential of employing compassionate emotions in the political realm to further social justice and societal “love”. In this article, two pitfalls of Nussbaum’s affirming theory of a politics of compassion are highlighted: the problem of a dual-level hierarchisation and the “magic” of feeling compassion that potentially removes the subject of compassion from reality. I will argue that Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on pity provide substantial challenges to a democratic theory of compassion in this respect. Following these theoretical reflections, I will turn to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 US-American presidential election campaign, to her video ads “Love and Kindness” in particular, in order to provide fitting illustrations from current realpolitik for these specific pitfalls of the political employment of compassionate emotions.


Significance At the same time, the June 18 presidential election campaign is beginning, with top judge Ibrahim Raisi registering as a favoured candidate. Heading a high-profile anti-corruption campaign, Raisi has been a strong advocate of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s ‘resistance economy’ policy to undermine sanctions by supporting domestic production. Impacts Effective legislation to manage conflicts of interest, including of officials’ family members, will likely remain blocked. Local business interests that would benefit from more global links may have a strong voice even under a conservative government. The Islamic Revolution Guard Corps will keep a firm grip on the infrastructure sector.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lutgard Lams

This paper aims to provide insights into electoral practices of agenda setting and issue framing in the Taiwanese 2016 presidential election campaign. It examines issue salience and discursive mechanisms, like causal projection patterns, used in constructing problem definitions. The study unravels the securitisation narrative by showing how separate issues are collated into coherent packages and explores how key phrases, such as ‘status quo’ and ‘1992 Consensus’ are conceptualised. The analysis also investigates discursive ambiguities, since the DPP candidate’s campaign style was criticised for being vague. Units of analysis are English-language texts, taken from the KMT and DPP candidates’ speeches and their media opinion articles, targeting the foreign community, and translated versions of Chinese-language campaign materials, designed for the Taiwanese population. Comparison shows a two-level communicative game in audience differentiation, but the mechanism of guiding people not only what to think about, but also what to think, applies irrespective of audience design.


2019 ◽  
pp. 146144481989228
Author(s):  
Stine Eckert ◽  
Jade Metzger-Riftkin ◽  
Sean Kolhoff ◽  
Sydney O’Shay-Wallace

We interviewed 61 Muslims in 15 focus groups from the most visible Muslim population in the United States: the Detroit Metropolitan Area. Participants shared their experiences of and responses to Islamophobia on social media and face-to-face during the 2016 US presidential election campaign and aftermath. Applying Fraser’s and Squires’ theories of counterpublics, we developed an adapted understanding of counterpublics in collapsed contexts of online and face-to-face spaces. We argue that everyday Muslim internet users in the United States are an example of a hyper differential counterpublic. They face the pressures of near ubiquitous and ever evolving Islamophobic attacks, while needing to engage with the internet for personal and professional purposes. We suggest that hyper differential counterpublics operate in collapsed contexts of mixed, unimaginable publics, switch between group and individual responses, and craft hyper situational responses to discriminations case by case.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document