Animacy shift and layers of nominal structure

2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Verhoeven
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Mamoru Saito

Japanese exhibits some unique features with respect to phrase structure and movement. It is well-known that its phrase structure is strictly head-final. It also provides ample evidence that a sentence may have more complex structure than its surface form suggests. Causative sentences are the best-known example of this. They appear to be simple sentences with verbs accompanying the causative suffix, -sase. But the causative suffix is an independent verb and takes a small clause vP complement in the syntactic representation. Japanese sentences can have a rich structure in the right periphery. For example, embedded clauses may contain up to three overt complementizers, corresponding to Finite (no), Interrogative (ka), and Report/Force (to). Matrix clauses may end in a sequence of discourse particles, such as wa, yo, and ne. Each of the complementizers and discourse particles has a selectional requirement of its own. More research is required to settle on the functional heads in the nominal structure. Among the controversial issues are whether D is present and whether Case markers should be analyzed as independent heads. Various kinds of movement operations are observed in the language. NP-movement to the subject position takes place in passive and unaccusative sentences, and clausal comparatives and clefts are derived by operator-movement. Scrambling is a unique movement operation that should be distinguished from both NP-movement and operator-movement. It does not establish operator-variable relations but is not subject to the locality requirements imposed on NP-movement. It cannot be PF-movement as it creates new binding possibilities. It is still debated whether head movement, for example, the movement of verb to tense, takes place in the language.



2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
I Wayan Saryana

[Title: Nominalization in Balinese Language] The study deal with the process of nominal formation (nominalization) and Nominal structure of Balinese language. The data being analyzed is obtained from the researcher’s intuition that is the gained from language potency of the researcher as a native Balinese speaker. In addition, the data was also gained from Balinese texts such as novels, short stories, and folk tales. As a reference in analyzing the data it is applied X-bar theory developed by N, Chomsky and his adherers from the beginning of 1970-s. The most important essence of this theory is that every phrase structure has head. In other words, that every phrase structure is endocentric in nature. At the initial phrase, this theory was developed to describe phrasal category, then it was applied for clausal level. Recently, this theory is applied to analyze word level (Xo). Nouns in Balinese can be base and derived nouns. Derived nouns can be formed through some process: affixation, compounding, reduplication, and derivation of clauses. Nouns in Balinese can place syntactical functions such as subject, predicate, object, complement, and adverb.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Alexandrina Irimia ◽  
Anna Pineda

Abstract In this paper we provide a comprehensive picture of differential object marking in Catalan, focusing on both the empirical facts and their theoretical contribution. We support some important conclusions. First, Catalan differential object marking is quite a robust and widespread phenomenon, contrary to what prescriptive grammars assume. Second, we show that, from a formal perspective, Catalan differential object marking cannot be completely subsumed under hierarchical generalizations known as scales. The contribution of narrow syntax mechanisms and nominal structure is fundamental, supporting recent views by López (2012) or Ormazabal and Romero (2007, 2010, 2013a, b), a.o. Building on these works as well as on observations initially made by Cornilescu (2000) and Rodríguez-Mondoñedo (2007), a.o., we adopt an analysis under which canonical, animacy-based differential marking results from the presence of an additional (PERSON) feature, beyond Case. This structural make-up is not only at the core of differences marked objects exhibit from unmarked objects with a Case feature, but also derives the prominence of differential marking on (animates) under information-structure processes, in the high left (and right) periphery, in contexts of the type discussed by Escandell-Vidal (2007a, b, 2009).



2008 ◽  
pp. 310-353
Author(s):  
Ronald W. Langacker
Keyword(s):  


Author(s):  
Bert Le Bruyn ◽  
Henriëtte de Swart ◽  
Joost Zwarts

Bare nominals (also called “bare nouns”) are nominal structures without an overt article or other determiner. The distinction between a bare noun and a noun that is part of a larger nominal structure must be made in context: Milk is a bare nominal in I bought milk, but not in I bought the milk. Bare nouns have a limited distribution: In subject or object position, English allows bare mass nouns and bare plurals, but not bare singular count nouns (*I bought table). Bare singular count nouns only appear in special configurations, such as coordination (I bought table and chairs for £182). From a semantic perspective, it is noteworthy that bare nouns achieve reference without the support of a determiner. A full noun phrase like the cookies refers to the maximal sum of cookies in the context, because of the definite article the. English bare plurals have two main interpretations: In generic sentences they refer to the kind (Cookies are sweet), in episodic sentences they refer to some exemplars of the kind (Cookies are in the cabinet). Bare nouns typically take narrow scope with respect to other scope-bearing operators like negation. The typology of bare nouns reveals substantial variation, and bare nouns in languages other than English may have different distributions and meanings. But genericity and narrow scope are recurring features in the cross-linguistic study of bare nominals.



2008 ◽  
Vol 2008 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric J. Beh

The correspondence analysis of a two-way contingency table is now accepted as a very versatile tool for helping users to understand the structure of the association in their data. In cases where the variables consist of ordered categories, there are a number of approaches that can be employed and these generally involve an adaptation of singular value decomposition. Over the last few years, an alternative decomposition method has been used for cases where the row and column variables of a two-way contingency table have an ordinal structure. A version of this approach is also available for a two-way table where one variable has a nominal structure and the other variable has an ordinal structure. However, such an approach does not take into consideration the presence of the nominal variable. This paper explores an approach to correspondence analysis using an amalgamation of singular value decomposition and bivariate moment decomposition. A benefit of this technique is that it combines the classical technique with the ordinal analysis by determining the structure of the variables in terms of singular values and location, dispersion and higher-order moments.



2011 ◽  
Vol 50 (34) ◽  
pp. 7940-7943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Nilewski ◽  
Nicholas R. Deprez ◽  
Thomas C. Fessard ◽  
Dong Bo Li ◽  
Roger W. Geisser ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Cegłowski

AbstractThis paper examines the acceptability of several types of extraction out of the nominal domain (Left Branch Extraction – LBE, deep LBE, extraordinary LBE, double AP LBE, extraction of NP-complements, extraction across a numeral) in Polish and its relevance for the current views on the nominal structure of the “NP”/“DP” -languages. The point of departure is an overview of the abovementioned extraction types. Next, a succinct summary of an acceptability study of these constructions conducted on a population of 183 native speakers of Polish is provided. While the results confirm the cross-linguistic observation that the extractions in question are generally ‘discourse-triggered’, their acceptability in Polish seems to be relatively low and reveals fairly interesting differences between the specific constructions (e.g., LBE-wh vs. LBE-demonstratives). These may have broader implications for the ongoing debate concerning the optimal shape of the nominal structure in (languages like) Polish, as they seem to provide (at least circumstantial) arguments for a more elaborate sequence of projections on top of the NP.



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