scholarly journals Involving Civil Society in the Implementation of Social Provisions in Trade Agreements: Comparing the US and EU Approach in the Case of South Korea

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lore Van den Putte
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 40-48
Author(s):  
Myriam Oehri

US free trade agreements comprise unique provisions that enable civil society to present public complaints against labor rights violations occurring in the US or its trade partners. To date, a variety of complainants have used these mechanisms, including (inter)national trade unions, human rights organizations, and a priest. And yet, little is known about the submissions’ nature of agency and the effects it has on the procedural continuations to address illicit labor practices. To fill this research lacuna, this article employs a multidisciplinary framework of ‘actorness’ that measures the submitters’ diversity (professionalism/non-professionalism, collectivism/individualism, transnationalism/nationalism) and their effectiveness (rejection/acceptance of submissions and further procedural follow-ups). Combining quantitative examination with in-depth analysis of two diverse cases of actorness, and drawing on expert interviews, public reports, and minutes of meetings, the study reveals that the majority of public submissions were of professional, collective, and transnational nature. However, contrary to what extant literature suggests, this is not a guarantee that they achieve more far-reaching procedural steps in the protection of workers. Non-professional, individual, and national actorness can compensate for the advantages of professionalism, collectivism, and transnationalism.


Subject Laos/US diplomatic ties. Significance Ahead of US President Barack Obama's planned visit to the 2016 East Asia Summit in Laos, Washington is boosting its high-level diplomacy with Vientiane. In the past two months, US Assistant Secretary of State Danny Russel hosted the sixth annual Laos-US Strategic Dialogue; US Ambassador to ASEAN Nina Hachician visited to confer on Laos's 2016 ASEAN chairmanship; and Second Lady Jill Biden led a delegation to Vientiane on women's empowerment and civil society. These visits further the US 'Asia pivot' and lay the groundwork to challenge China's influence over Laos and the wider Mekong region including Cambodia and Myanmar. Impacts Generational changes in Lao politics will unfold from April 2016. Vientiane will diversify its diplomatic contacts. Possible US trade preferences may hasten Lao labour reforms. Japan, South Korea and Vietnam will also challenge China in Laos.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5573
Author(s):  
Insung Son ◽  
Sihyun Kim

This study analyzed partner volatility (new, old, revocation partners) and country-specific signal effects (United States (US), Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea) for Apple iPhone parts suppliers from 2007 to 2018. Mid- to long-term stock price movements were also analyzed to define trading patterns by investor type. The results using logit regression analysis revealed that new partners and revocation partners each have a signaling effect perceived as positive and negative information in the short term, and the excess returns by country showed a positive signaling effect in the order of the US, Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan. The findings also suggest that the change in the new partners’ stock price after the preannouncement of new products was useful investment information. Moreover, information asymmetry was found between individual investors, institutions, and foreigners. Results indicate that new partner selection in the smartphone market impacts corporate value and serves as useful investment information.


Author(s):  
Monika Jain

India dropped out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which included the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries, China, South Korea, New Zealand, Japan and Australia, after negotiating for almost seven years in November 2018 on the grounds of national interest and also that free trade agreements (FTAs) did not amount to free trade and led to more trade diversion than trade creation. The cost and benefit of a regional agreement depend on the amount of trade creation with respect to trade diversion (Panagriya, 2000). This study tries to examine India’s concerns and at the same time, highlights the cost of not joining RCEP. India’s trade deficit with 11 out of the 15 RCEP nations has been a major cause of concern. Unfavourable trade balance, concerns about the impact on dairy sector, economic slowdown, past experience with FTA’s, China factor, data localisation, rules of origin, the experience of ASEAN countries with Sino-FTA have been some of the reasons behind India’s decision to opt-out of this mega multilateral agreement. Also, bilateral trade agreements with some RCEP countries such as Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and South Korea were operational. A multilateral trade agreement with ASEAN countries was very much in place. So, trade between India and 12 of the RCEP member countries would not have changed much after India’s inclusion in RCEP. The impact of lower tariffs would have been evident for the remaining three countries: China, Australia and New Zealand. Furthermore, there was fear of a massive surge in imports of manufactures from China, dairy imports from Australia and New Zealand. This study also examines the long term impact of this decision and if India has missed out on becoming a part of the global value chain and gaining greater market access in the Asia Pacific region. India’s policy of import substitution and protectionism did not capitulate desired results in the past. Hence, a critical evaluation of India’s decision and some validation on her concerns and fears have been done.


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