The Battle for Big Sur; or, Debating the National Environmental Ethic

Big Sur ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelley Alden Brooks
Keyword(s):  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Environmental Ethic ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Local Management ◽  
White House ◽  
Big Sur ◽  
Ansel Adams ◽  
National Environmental ◽  
Conservative Turn

At the end of the 1970s, Carmel resident Ansel Adams turned his considerable influence toward securing federal protection for the Big Sur coastline. Adams endeavored to secure the designation of a Big Sur National Seashore while Democrats still controlled Congress and the White House, but he had an uphill battle during the conservative ascendancy that brought Ronald Reagan into the White House at a time when the nation’s faltering economy challenged bipartisan support for environmental protection. Adams also misread the vehemence with which locals guarded their right to steward the land and live without a federal landlord. Chapter 6 examines the battle over Big Sur as Adams, U.S. congressmen and senators, the Wilderness Society, Monterey County officials, and Big Sur residents debated the cultural, political, and environmental borders of this prized landscape. The chapter argues that like other debates of the era, the question of management authority for Big Sur became value-laden as issues of constitutional rights, privilege, and spirituality played key roles in shaping opinions on the appropriate relationship between people and nature. A place as popular as Yosemite could not escape such national attention, but remarkably, Big Sur’s small number of residents could harness the conservative turn to argue successfully for local management of a national treasure.

Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and the Ronald Reagan Administration in the United States

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
German Gigolaev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Of The Sea ◽  
White House ◽  
Draft Convention ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Law

The USA, as well as the USSR, initiated the convocation of the III UN Conference on the Law of the Sea (1973—1982). However, after the Ronald Reagan administration came to the White House, American diplomacy significantly changed its policy toward the Conference, which eventually resulted in US refusal to support the draft Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was worked out during the Conference. This behavior was in line with policy course of the Reagan administration — more aggressive than that of their predecessors. The article considers the American policy regarding Law of the Sea negotiations in the first months of Reagan's presidency, during the Tenth Session of the III UNCLOS.

Roadside Americans

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack Reid
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
White House ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
On The Road ◽  
American Society ◽  
Reagan Era

Between the Great Depression and the mid-1970s, hitchhikers were a common sight for motorists, as American service members, students, and adventurers sought out the romance of the road in droves. Beats, hippies, feminists, and civil rights and antiwar activists saw "thumb tripping" as a vehicle for liberation, living out the counterculture's rejection of traditional values. Yet, by the time Ronald Reagan, a former hitchhiker himself, was in the White House, the youthful faces on the road chasing the ghost of Jack Kerouac were largely gone—along with sympathetic portrayals of the practice in state legislatures and the media. In Roadside Americans, Jack Reid traces the rise and fall of hitchhiking, offering vivid accounts of life on the road and how the act of soliciting rides from strangers, and the attitude toward hitchhikers in American society, evolved over time in synch with broader economic, political, and cultural shifts. In doing so, Reid offers insight into significant changes in the United States amid the decline of liberalism and the rise of the Reagan Era.

RONALD REAGAN AND THE TASK FORCE ON IMMIGRATION, 11981

2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
THOMAS R. MADDUX
Keyword(s):  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Task Force ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Management Style ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
White House ◽  
Illegal Aliens ◽  
Legal Immigration ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
And Control

Immigration was not a major priority for President Ronald Reagan and his conservative agenda in 1981. Political, economic, and foreign policy considerations, however,forced the Reagan administration to create a task force and address the issues of refugees, legal immigration priorities and numbers, and escalating numbers of illegal aliens. This article evaluates the task force's review of the issues, its recommendations to the President, and his response. Although immigration remained a secondary issue for the Reagan administration, the White House's response to the issue in 1981 offers revealing insights on Reagan's management style, on the disagreements within his administration over how to deal with illegal aliens, and on the ultimate contribution of the White House to the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.

scholarly journals THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT, THE FEDERAL COURTS, AND THE CONSTITUTION IN THE UNITED STATES

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Judith A. Garber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Christian Right ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
White House ◽  
Moral Majority ◽  
Constitutional Right ◽  
Jerry Falwell

Twenty-five years have passed since the newly formed Moral Majority helped put Ronald Reagan in the White House and a Republican majority in the United States Senate. The Moral Majority was one organization (and its founder, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, one figure) at the centre of an emerging evangelical Protestant social movement. This movement was galvanized by two aims: defeating the Equal Rights Amendment,3 which Congress submitted to the states for consideration in 1972, and contesting the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade4 ruling, which recognized a constitutional right to abortion. In the early 1980s, “New Christian Right” was an accurate description of the first widespread public engagement of evangelicals in half a century.

Pride versus Interest in American Conservatism Today

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-205
Author(s):  
Harvey C. Mansfield
Keyword(s):  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Student Loan ◽  
Harvard University ◽  
American Constitution ◽  
White House ◽  
American Conservatism ◽  
A Value ◽  
Research Programmes ◽  
The One ◽  
350Th Anniversary

THE FOLLOWING IS NOT INTENDED AS A VALUE-FREE SURVEY of American conservatism today. Less clear, perhaps, will be my general approval of this revolt, although that will emerge soon enough. It remains to announce that I want to offer some friendly advice to American conservatism regarding pride and interest and to recommend to its attention the American Constitution, which so beautifully combines them. American conservatives, perhaps because of the manipulations of American liberals, have lost some of their attachment to the Constitution, and much of their understanding of it.Recently I overheard someone say that Harvard University was wrong to have invited Ronald Reagan to its 350th anniversary in 1986, because of Reagan's ‘anti-intellectualism’. What could this have meant? Reagan has reduced student loan programmes and university research programmes, and wants to cut them further. He invites many actors and very few professors to his White House dinners. He himself should have been, and probably was, a C student in college, like the Democratic president he frequently praises — the one who began the practice of using ghost-writers for his speeches — Franklin D. Roosevelt. In sum, Reagan doesn't sufficiently respect the intellect.

scholarly journals The Great Communicators and political reconstruction: A comparative study between President Ronald Reagan and President Barack Obama

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Micheal D. Warren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Hispanic Americans ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
President Obama ◽  
White House ◽  
American Children ◽  
To Come

<p>Presidents come into office wanting to make America a better place, and Stephen Skowronek’s recurring model of presidential authority is perfectly suited when comparing one president to another, across political time. President Ronald Reagan was categorised as a reconstructive president alongside Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D Roosevelt, according to Skowronek’s model; at the end of his first term, President Obama’s has the potential to be remembered as the sixth president of reconstruction. While the nature of reconstruction has changed and has become more superficial with the ageing of the United States political system, Obama’s reconstructive potential is no less potent than that of Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln.  The passing of Health Care reform is Obama’s biggest achievement of his presidency to date and is one of the biggest domestic reforms undertaken since the 1960s. Looking ahead to Obama’s second term, further progress looks possible to enhance his reconstructive potential. If Obama can secure immigration reform, then he will give 12 million illegal immigrants the chance to come out from the shadows and work toward residency and legally live the American dream.  With the election and re-election of Obama by an emerging majority made up of women, African Americans, Hispanic Americans and young Americans, the Age of Reagan that existed, has now been replaced by a more diverse coalition. If a democrat can win the White House in 2016, it will truly mean that the Age of Obama has begun.  Obama’s most potent legacy will become more evident in the years to come as many Americans will not remember what the unemployment rate was when he assumed office or what it was when he left office. The partisan bickering that dominated for much of Obama’s first term will have faded into distant memory, but what will shine through from the Obama presidency is opportunity. Americans will never forget how Obama changed the limits of possibility for generations to come. Today there are ten year old African-American, Hispanic and Asian-American children all over the United States who believe that, because of the Obama presidency, they too can one day become president. That in itself is hugely reconstructive and by being elected President, Obama has achieved something more potent than any other reconstructive presidents could have ever achieved.</p>

scholarly journals The Great Communicators and political reconstruction: A comparative study between President Ronald Reagan and President Barack Obama

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Micheal D. Warren
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Hispanic Americans ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
President Obama ◽  
White House ◽  
American Children ◽  
To Come

<p>Presidents come into office wanting to make America a better place, and Stephen Skowronek’s recurring model of presidential authority is perfectly suited when comparing one president to another, across political time. President Ronald Reagan was categorised as a reconstructive president alongside Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D Roosevelt, according to Skowronek’s model; at the end of his first term, President Obama’s has the potential to be remembered as the sixth president of reconstruction. While the nature of reconstruction has changed and has become more superficial with the ageing of the United States political system, Obama’s reconstructive potential is no less potent than that of Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln.  The passing of Health Care reform is Obama’s biggest achievement of his presidency to date and is one of the biggest domestic reforms undertaken since the 1960s. Looking ahead to Obama’s second term, further progress looks possible to enhance his reconstructive potential. If Obama can secure immigration reform, then he will give 12 million illegal immigrants the chance to come out from the shadows and work toward residency and legally live the American dream.  With the election and re-election of Obama by an emerging majority made up of women, African Americans, Hispanic Americans and young Americans, the Age of Reagan that existed, has now been replaced by a more diverse coalition. If a democrat can win the White House in 2016, it will truly mean that the Age of Obama has begun.  Obama’s most potent legacy will become more evident in the years to come as many Americans will not remember what the unemployment rate was when he assumed office or what it was when he left office. The partisan bickering that dominated for much of Obama’s first term will have faded into distant memory, but what will shine through from the Obama presidency is opportunity. Americans will never forget how Obama changed the limits of possibility for generations to come. Today there are ten year old African-American, Hispanic and Asian-American children all over the United States who believe that, because of the Obama presidency, they too can one day become president. That in itself is hugely reconstructive and by being elected President, Obama has achieved something more potent than any other reconstructive presidents could have ever achieved.</p>

scholarly journals O INSTITUTO DA LEGÍTIMA DEFESA INTERNACIONAL

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Szuecs Oliveira ◽  
Carlos Canedo Augusto da Silva
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
The Self ◽  
Risk Society ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
American Government ◽  
White House ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Conceptual Changes ◽  
The Subject

The White House legal approach to the War on Terror has been one of the most discussed and least understood topics of international law according to legal counselors of the American government themselves. Despite several speeches and official notes on the subject, the issue remains complex because it involves constitutional rights, human rights and national security. This paper analyzes the War on Terror focusing specifically on the self-defense institute in the world risk society. This means that in order to understand how terrorism is threatening the international order, it is necessary to verify the conceptual changes that determine the self-defense institute and the results of this mutation.

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