Ramona School and the Undereducation of Children in La Colonia

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. García
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
New Schools ◽  
Predominately White ◽  
Segregated Schools ◽  
Railroad Tracks ◽  
American Children ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

This chapter explores the evolution of the White architects' four strategies of segregation from 1939, when they sought voter approval to construct a school east of the railroad tracks, through 1954, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that racially segregated schools were inherently unequal and therefore unconstitutional. During this time, the school trustees constructed new schools that maximized the race, class, and east–west geographic divisions in the city and sought to normalize the undereducation of Mexican American children. By 1954—the same year the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the landmark Brown v. Board of Education desegregation case—the trustees had strategically positioned nine of the district's eleven schools west of Oxnard Boulevard and the railroad tracks in neighborhoods kept predominately White through racial covenants.

Postmodern Liberalism and the Expressive Function of Law

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Scott Arnold
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
Expressive Function ◽  
Local Ordinances ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

In 1992, the city of Boulder, Colorado, passed an ordinance forbidding discrimination against homosexuals in employment and housing. Two years later, voters in the state of Colorado passed a constitutional amendment forbidding the passage of local ordinances prohibiting this form of discrimination. The constitutional amendment did not mandate discrimination against homosexuals; it merely nullified ordinances such as Boulder's. The amendment was later struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court as unconstitutional.

Of Big Black Bucks and Golden-Haired Little Girls

2018 ◽  
pp. 41-61
Author(s):  
Justin Driver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Black Males ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
United States Supreme ◽  
Segregated Schools ◽  
Interracial Sex

This chapter explores how fears and stigma surrounding interracial sex (particularly between black males and white females) rest at the very heart of opposition to Brown v. Board of Education, the United States Supreme Court’s 1954 decision that invalidated racially segregated schools. It is striking that this dimension of Brown—the most celebrated and studied Supreme Court opinion of the twentieth century, and perhaps ever—forms a severely underappreciated part of its legacy. By recovering the anti-miscegenation sentiment that engulfed school desegregation discussions, I hope to demonstrate how an aversion to discussing sexuality prevents fully understanding both Brown and its resistance.

Protection from Undesirable Neighbors: The Use of Deed Restrictions in Shaker Heights, Ohio

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-136
Author(s):  
Virginia P. Dawson
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Planned Community ◽  
Deed Restrictions ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Shaker Heights

Stringent architectural and building restrictions were put in place as the Van Sweringen Company laid out Shaker Heights, Ohio, an exclusive planned community, incorporated in 1912. In 1925, as African Americans and Jews sought to purchase property there, the company devised and implemented a new restriction that, while containing no overtly discriminatory language, succeeded in achieving the company’s discriminatory objective. The company and, later, the City of Shaker Heights would continue to enforce this restriction well beyond 1948 when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled religious and racial covenants unenforceable.

Voluntary integration in uncertain times

2019 ◽  
Vol 100 (5) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
Jeremy Anderson ◽  
Erica Frankenberg
Keyword(s):  
School Districts ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Court Case ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Legal Environment ◽  
Integration Policies ◽  
Supreme Court Case ◽  
Socioeconomic Segregation ◽  
The U.S

Sixty-five years after the landmark U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education, the federal and judicial role in school desegregation has declined. In a more difficult political and legal environment, it has fallen on school districts to develop and implement voluntary integration plans through diversity-minded student assignment policies. In this article, Jeremy Anderson and Erika Frankenberg discuss how many and what types of voluntary integration policies currently exist in the U.S. and assess how effective they are at reducing racial and socioeconomic segregation.

The Nature of Political Representation, II

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Fairlie
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Public Hearing ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
The People ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

In the literature of law, there has been comparatively little discussion as to the nature of political representation. A representative democracy has been defined as “a form of government where the powers of the sovereignty are delegated to a body of men, elected from time to time, who exercise them for the benefit of the whole nation.” And a representative form of government has been defined as “a government conducted and constituted by the agency of delegates, or deputies, chosen by the people.”Judge Thomas M. Cooley, speaking for the Michigan supreme court, said: “A representative is one chosen by a principal to exercise for him a power or perform for him a trust. In that sense, the mayor of a city is a representative for some purposes, the members of the common council for others, and the members of the board of education for still others … the right to be represented implies a right, not merely to name the person, but also to designate the trust that shall be confided to him.” On this basis, it was held that a board of park commissioners established by the state legislature with certain powers, and recognized by the common council of the city, could not be vested afterwards by the legislature with additional powers previously exercised by the council.Somewhat similar is the position of an English judge as to the authority of a representative in a legal proceeding. “A solicitor is the representative of his client, but counsel is not, for counsel has the whole conduct of the case, and can act even against the instructions of his client.” It was accordingly held that a solicitor is a representative within S. 17(4) Bankry Act, 1883, and must be “authorized in writing” to entitle him to question a debtor at a public hearing.

scholarly journals Dallas Students Take Flights

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (Spring 2019) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Ward
Keyword(s):  
School District ◽  
White Students ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Independent School District ◽  
Segregated Schools ◽  
Dallas Independent School District ◽  
White Schools ◽  
Education Statistics ◽  
The City ◽  
Roll Out

In 1954, when Brown vs. Board of Education (Brown) ruled that segregation was illegal, Dallas, like most southern cities, was very residentially segregated and not eager to welcome black children into white schools as mandated. The city dragged its feet far longer than others, and in 1961 it was the very last large school district in the country to allow black students to attend white schools (SMU Law 1). Busing for integration was implemented even farther behind other cities, but white flight out of the school district occurred in Dallas to a greater degree than most other metropolitan areas. Currently, according to the National Center for Education Statistics, the Dallas school district has the second lowest percentage of white students, only behind Detroit (“Status and Trends”). There is no question that residential segregation in Dallas was happening long before segregated schools became illegal, leaving uncertainty about the true causes of the wholesale abandoning of the Dallas Independent School District (DISD) by whites. Some researchers believe that the fear of integration doomed the process before it started, while others believe that the flawed implementation is responsible for its failure. I believe that the racial and political atmosphere in Dallas at the time supports a combination of both explanations, as the resisted, prolonged roll-out facilitated a level of fear that the actual implementation could never overcome.

DID BROWN FAIL?

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. Pettigrew
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
The United States ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Hispanic American ◽  
Segregated Schools ◽  
Past Half Century ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Racial Desegregation ◽  
American Children ◽  
Past Half

In 2004, the United States elaborately “celebrated” the fiftieth anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education. The country's mass media acclaimed May 17 as the date of a great national achievement while paying scant attention to the present racial scene in education. Yet those who believed in and fought for the racial desegregation of the nation's public schools found the widespread “celebration” grossly overstated and at best premature. With effective opposition to school desegregation unrelenting during the entire past half century, with the U.S. Supreme Court continually narrowing Brown's scope, and with African American and Hispanic American children still largely attending segregated schools, the nation's unmitigated self-congratulatory stance seemed unwarranted.

School Desegregation and the Swann Case

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Rosen ◽  
Joseph Mosnier
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Federal District ◽  
District Court ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Court Judge ◽  
National Model ◽  
Legal Defense ◽  
Desegregated Schools ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines Chambers's and his firm's immense contributions to the legal campaign to end school desegregation in the U.S. Chambers filed federal lawsuits against scores of recalcitrant school districts across North Carolina. His most significant victory was the landmark Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court in 1971, hailed as the most significant schools ruling since Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Litigating Swann at trial, Chambers convinced federal District Court Judge James B. McMillan to authorize the busing and other remedies to overcome a system of racially dual schools. Later, still just 34-years old, Chambers argued the case for the Legal Defense Fund at the U.S. Supreme Court. Chief Justice Warren Burger's unanimous opinion appeared an unqualified endorsement by the High Court of the use of aggressive remedies finally to defeat school desegregation. By the mid-1970s Charlotte had come to serve as a national model of successful transition to desegregated schools.

Brown’s Half Light

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derrick Bell
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Black People ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
New Era ◽  
Black Experience ◽  
Educational Rights ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

The Evening Of May 17, 954, was a night for celebration. An office full of ecstatic NAACP workers in Manhattan, as well as black people throughout the country, were doing just that as they hailed the bright new era all assumed would arrive with the landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education handed down by the Supreme Court earlier that day. The case was not easily won. It was the culmi­nation of two decades of planning and litigation. At the very least, a party was in order. The NAACP staff hailed the high court’s opinion with cheers, toasts, and impromptu dancing, but according to one report, Thurgood Marshall, one of the chief architects of the litigation wandered morosely through the happy throng frowning. “You fools go ahead and have your fun,” he said, “but we ain’t begun to work yet.” Marshall’s prediction was both prophetic and a highly accurate commentary on the black experience. Even so, the staff had reason to celebrate. The orga­nization was doing what its founders had intended. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)was founded in 1909. Its founders, an interracial group of liberal lawyers and socialists, concerned with the nonenforcement of the Four­teenth and Fifteenth Amendments, saw the need for an organization that would effectively press for political, legal, and educational rights. They sought an end to segregation, the right to work, and the right to protec­tion from violence and intimidation. The need for the NAACP was clear. In the previous year, in addition to the several dozen blacks lynched each year, thousands of whites rioted in Springfield, Illinois. They killed six blacks, two by lynching, and burned and destroyed black homes and businesses. Two thousand blacks left the city but none of the alleged riot leaders were punished, although the city obtained indictments following the restoration of order. The white community launched a political and economic boycott to drive out the remaining black residents. After its founding, the NAACP established a legal redress com­mittee, and in the next decades several of its cases reached the Supreme Court.

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