The Last Supper

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-83
Author(s):  
julie green

Texas, home to cattle ranches and more death-row executions than any other state, doesn’t allow steak for a final meal. If you order steak in Texas, you get hamburger. I have always been focused on food. As a kid, I won eating contests; these days I grow organic produce. The years I spent in Oklahoma, which has the highest per capita rate of executions, turned my interest in food toward final meals. The Last Supper is a series of ceramic plates illustrating final meal requests in the United States. Starting in Norma, Oklahoma in 1999, I have painted 420 plates to date. I plan to continue adding fifty more each year until capital punishment is abolished. When looking at the inmates’ humble choices, it is important to note that while rituals and traditions vary, most states limit final-meal allowances to twenty dollars. Maryland is the only state that does not allow any meal selection. A last cigarette is permitted in some prisons. Alcohol is prohibited in all. Texas denies bubble gum. Sometimes requests provide clues about personality, race, and region. An Oregon inmate’s final meal request closed with “I would appreciate the eggs hot.” And who wouldn’t? The Last Supper plates have travelled to nine states and the UK. The project has been included in the book Confrontational Ceramics by Judith Schwartz, on the radio program The Splendid Table and on Southern California Public Radio.

Worldview ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
James Greene

The speed with which economics has sped to the front of the Cold War over the past four years has caught the West-used to diplomatic maneuvering and “little wars”-off guard. We have, as yet, no adequate answer to what may well prove to be Communism's most devastating weapon-a Soviet economy producing at a greater per capita rate than the United States. No nation of free men ever rallied round a column of statistics, and yet, clearly, that is where the current battle between East and West has moved.The change, it now seems, was inevitable. When they continue for any period of time, “total” wars, both hot and cold, slip more and more from the grasp of those charged with diplomacy and come to rest upon the impersonal powers of clashing armies, armies either on the battlefields or in the factories.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 386-389
Author(s):  
MARIANNE B. SUTTON ◽  
MICHAEL WEITZMAN ◽  
JONATHAN HOWLAND

The solid waste crisis is currently receiving extensive publicity in the lay press and increasing attention from the government (Newsweek. November 27, 1989:76; Council for Solid Waste Solutions, Washington, DC, unpublished data).1-3 The United States has the highest per capita rate of solid waste production among industrialized nations, more than three pounds per person each day, resulting in 160 million tons of solid waste each year (Newsweek. November 27, 1989). Disposable diapers contribute significantly to this problem and have, in fact, become a symbol of the solid waste crisis.4-6 Marketing surveys estimate that 80% of infants in the United States use disposable diapers.7,8


Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

It Is Often Said That America is an economically more unequal society than Europe, with greater stratification between rich and poor. On average, the United States is a wealthier society than most European countries. The median American income—that earned by the recipient at the center of the income distribution—is higher than equivalent figures for all European nations other than Luxembourg (figure 189). Americans also earn higher per capita incomes, adjusted for purchasing power variations, than any Europeans other than the Norwegians. That is, of course, easily compatible with widespread poverty and inequality. If incomes are distributed unequally, a high average could hide disproportionate wealth at the top and bitter poverty at the bottom. Americans do appear to tolerate a higher degree of inequality than Europeans. True, proportionately fewer Americans believe that income differences are necessary as an incentive than do Germans, Spaniards, or the Portuguese. Fewer Americans consider it fair that the rich buy better health care and education than do the British. But a smaller proportion of Americans than any Europeans rejects existing income differences as too large. And Americans do not agree, as many Europeans do, that the government should act to narrow income inequality. On a number of measures, high inequality does, in fact, appear to hold true for the United States—though rarely as starkly as is oft en presumed. For one thing, more billionaires per capita live in America than in any European country except Switzerland, with over twice that rate (figure 190). The American market is not inherently bloodier than the European. By itself, it does not produce more inequality than across the Atlantic. Pretax income inequalities in the United States lie within the European range. But after taxes and transfers, American inequalities appear starker. One measure of this defines poverty as 60% of the national median income. By this standard, the United States has a larger percentage of poor citizens than any European country, though the figures are broadly comparable to those of the UK, Ireland, Spain, and Greece (figure 191).


Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

It is Commonly Claimed that American society is crime-ridden and violent. Horrendous numbers of murders are committed, almost twice the per capita rate in 2004–05 of the nearest competitors, Switzerland, Finland, and Sweden (figure 67). The death-by-assault rates in America are over three times the nearest European comparisons, Finland, followed by Portugal. That is without question. Such mayhem cannot be due simply to gun ownership, since by some accounts the Finns and the Swiss have a higher percentage of armed households than the Americans (figure 68). Firearms ownership, though highest in the United States per capita if measured by individual citizen, is not as far beyond the European numbers as one might expect from the horror stories of South Central or the South Bronx. According to the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Americans own 97 firearms per hundred people, the Finns 69, the Swiss 61, the Swedes 40. Another survey, published by Tilburg University in the Netherlands, the Dutch Ministry of Justice, and two United Nations Institutes, reveals that percentage-wise there are more firearms in the hands of the residents of Zurich, Vienna, Stockholm, Rome, Reykjavik, Oslo, Madrid, Lisbon, Helsinki, and Athens than in those of New Yorkers. Indeed, the burghers of Helsinki, Berlin, Lisbon, Rome, Vienna, and Zurich own proportionately as many or more handguns as New Yorkers. To the extent that gun ownership and hunting overlap, the distinctions between the United States and Europe also fade. Svenska Jägarförbundet, the Swedish Hunters Association, has a membership (200,000) that is proportionately almost twice as high as what the National Rifl e Association claims (4 million). The Schweizer Schiesssportverband (Swiss Shooting Association) has a membership (85,000) that is relatively as high as the NRA’s. Its arguments against current proposals to regulate gun ownership in Switzerland more strictly sound many of the same themes that are heard in the United States, down to the slogan about people, not guns, doing the actual killing. The smaller Pro-Tell Society defends gun ownership as part of Switzerland’s liberal tradition. In Switzerland, of course, men oft en keep their military weapons at home.


Author(s):  
Wenjuan Zhang ◽  
Brian D Davis ◽  
Stephanie S Chen ◽  
Jorge M Sincuir Martinez ◽  
Jasmine T Plummer ◽  
...  

AbstractSince October 2020, novel strains of SARS-CoV-2 including B.1.1.7, have been identified to be of global significance from an infection and surveillance perspective. While this strain (B.1.1.7) may play an important role in increased COVID rates in the UK, there are still no reported strains to account for the spike of cases in Los Angeles (LA) and California as a whole, which currently has some of the highest absolute and per-capita COVID transmission rates in the country. From the early days of the pandemic when LA only had a single viral genome uploaded onto GISAID we have been at the forefront of generating and analyzing the SARS-CoV-2 sequencing data from the LA region. We report a novel strain emerging in Southern California. Most current cases in the catchment population in LA fall into two distinct subclades: 1) 20G (24% of total) is the predominant subclade currently in the United States 2) a relatively novel strain in clade 20C, CAL.20C strain (∼36% of total) is defined by five concurrent mutations. After an analysis of all of the publicly available data and a comparison to our recent sequences, we see a dramatic growth in the relative percentage of the CAL.20C strain beginning in November of 2020. The predominance of this strain coincides with the increased positivity rate seen in this region. Unlike 20G, this novel strain CAL.20C is defined by multiple mutations in the S protein, a characteristic it shares with both the UK and South African strains, both of which are of significant clinical and scientific interest


Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

So Where Does This Leave Us? There are, of course, differences between America and Europe. But in almost all cases, they are no greater, and oft en smaller, than the differences among European nations. The span of European circumstance is such that the United States tends to fall comfortably within it. Therefore, either no coherent Europe exists, or the United States is a European nation. Formulated in a more sensible way, the similarities across the North Atlantic are at least as salient as the divergences. Yes, there are differences between Europe and America: murder and incarceration rates, as well as gun ownership and, more arguably, relative poverty rates on the one hand; the strength of civil society, assimilatory abilities, and some aspects of religious belief on the other. Other differences are ones of degree rather than kind: social policy, taxation, labor regulation, inequality, environmental policies. Other much-remarked Atlantic divides can easily be exaggerated—the death penalty, for example. Popular opinion probably does not diverge across the Atlantic as much as official policy. A joint YouGov/Economist poll found almost identical responses between Americans and the British, with about one-fifth of respondents always in favor of death for murder and about the same number always opposed. The United States still enforces the death penalty, and most Americans support it under some circumstances. Yet, 12 states do not have it, and another five have not carried it out for the last 30 years. If we add those states that have executed only five or fewer people since 1976, we find that over half the states, in effect, do not have capital punishment. It could, in theory, be revoked tomorrow. Would America then be radically different? Did France change profoundly when it abolished the death penalty in 1981? Did the UK in 1998, Belgium in 1996, Spain in 1995, Italy in 1994, or Greece in 2004? Did they only then become truly European?


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2020 ◽  
Vol 119 (820) ◽  
pp. 303-309
Author(s):  
J. Nicholas Ziegler

Comparing the virus responses in Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States shows that in order for scientific expertise to result in effective policy, rational political leadership is required. Each of these three countries is known for advanced biomedical research, yet their experiences in the COVID-19 pandemic diverged widely. Germany’s political leadership carefully followed scientific advice and organized public–private partnerships to scale up testing, resulting in relatively low infection levels. The UK and US political responses were far more erratic and less informed by scientific advice—and proved much less effective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


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