D2. David Makovsky, President Obama's Draft Letter to Prime Minister Netanyahu Offering Inducements in Exchange for Renewing the West Bank Settlement Freeze, Washington D.C., 29 September 2010 (excerpts).

2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-208
Keyword(s):  
2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15

This section covers items pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. Significant developments during the quarter 16 November 2016 through 15 February 2017 include: in anticipation of changes to U.S. policy on settlements under incoming U.S. president Donald Trump, Terrestrial Jerusalem and other settlement watch groups outlined the areas they consider most vulnerable to settlement expansion. While the Israeli Security Cabinet voted on 22 January to postpone discussion of a bill facilitating the annexation of the Ma'ale Adumim settlement until after Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu had a chance to meet in person, many analysts highlighted the probable annexation of settlements in East Jerusalem and even possibly part of Area C of the West Bank. Peace Now released a report estimating that 4,000 settlement units and 55 illegal outposts would be retroactively legalized under the recently enacted Regulation Law and documenting the 3,000 additional units that could be newly expropriated under the law (see Update on Conflict & Diplomacy in JPS 46 [3] for more on new Israeli legislation).


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-5

This quarter began less than one month after the 20 January 2017 inauguration of U.S. president Donald Trump, whose stated positions on settlements and the two-state solution, at times contradicting decades of U.S. policy, had far-reaching implications for Palestinians. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was emboldened by the regime change in Washington and the new administration's lack of organization and experience. Within two months of the inauguration, observers marked a sharp increase in the demolition of Palestinian homes and in announcements of renewed Israeli settlement construction. In fact, just two days after Trump was sworn into office, the Jerusalem municipality approved the construction of 566 new housing units, which had earlier been delayed under pressure from outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama. And on 24 January, the Israeli government announced plans for 2,500 new settlement units in the West Bank. In early February, Israeli lawmakers passed the so-called Regularization Bill, retroactively legalizing the expropriation of private Palestinian land. As settlement plans continued to grow apace, the end of the quarter saw the submission of a measure extending Israeli sovereignty to Ma'ale Adumim before a Knesset committee. Some MKs were also considering the annexation of the E1 zone into Ma'ale Adumim, which would effectively sever the northern from the southern West Bank and create a impassable zone for Palestinians around East Jerusalem. Bedouin communities inside E1 resisted persistent expulsion threats and demolition orders, while the world's soccer governing body FIFA refused to take on the issue of soccer clubs inside settlements.


Significance This also comes as indirect US nuclear talks with Iran resume in Vienna, despite concerted Israeli opposition. US President Joe Biden is in effect withdrawing the unconditional backing his predecessor Donald Trump gave Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Impacts The Gaza ceasefire will be fragile, with a significant chance of renewed hostilities in the short-to-medium term. The appointment of a new Mossad chief, David Barnea, may lower the profile of but will not materially change Israeli-US intelligence ties. The United States will further increase financial support to both Gaza and the West Bank. In a more serious possible future war against Hezbollah, Washington might not back a major Israeli military incursion into Lebanon.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-181

Prime Minister Sharon commissioned the report in June 2004, largely in response to U.S. accusations that Israel was not keeping its promise to freeze settlement activity and dismantle illegal outposts in the West bank. The seven-month investigation——complicated by the dispersion of information among various government bodies and the stonewalling of many officials——was conducted by Talia Sasson, a former chief state prosecutor. Sasson also wrote the report (the ““Opinion Concerning Unauthorized Outposts””) and the fifty-page summary of the ““findings, conclusions, and recommendations”” from which the excerpts below are taken. Bolding, italicization, and underlining are as in the original. The full report and summary are available on the Web site of the Prime Minister's Office at www.pmo.gov.il.


Significance However, the United States has already blocked a Kuwaiti-drafted statement expressing “outrage” at Israeli security forces’ killings of protesters and calling for an independent investigation. The demonstrations by thousands of Gaza Palestinians approaching the Israeli security fence coincided with the formal opening of the new US embassy in Jerusalem. Impacts The turn in international opinion against Israel could bolster Iran and its Lebanese protégé Hezbollah. Events in Gaza make progress in the stalled Egypt-backed ‘reconciliation’ agreement with the West Bank authorities even more unlikely. Few countries will follow the US example of moving their embassies to Jerusalem, despite Israeli inducements. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s recent foreign policy successes could bolster his position against corruption investigations.


Significance Fearing an early collapse of the fragile coalition government inaugurated in May, all constituent parties initially sought to avoid any controversial decisions over Jewish settlements in the West Bank -- even though the base of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett’s Yamina party is mostly amongst the national-religious faction, including settlers. Impacts President Isaac Herzog’s move to hold an official ceremony in a Jewish enclave in the West Bank’s Hebron may further legitimise settlements. The Israeli Arab Ra’am party will focus on domestic agendas rather than the settlement question, which is unlikely to win it votes. US policy will depend on how much pressure the progressive flank of the Democratic party can exert.


Significance Under the deal, announced on May 25, he replaces the respected former Israel Defence Forces (IDF) chief of staff, Moshe Ya'alon, who resigned on May 20, marking the culmination of a growing rift with Netanyahu over the occupation of the West Bank and the rules of engagement for soldiers and policemen. Impacts As part of the new coalition deal, the defence budget will be maintained at a minimum of 15 billion dollars a year for the next few years. Lieberman's entry into the coalition will help Netanyahu secure his political future, and allow him more room for manoeuvre. He will influence senior IDF appointments, among them the deputy chief of staff by the end of this year. A successful tenure as defence minister would boost Lieberman's ambition to succeed Netanyahu as prime minister.


2019 ◽  
pp. 59-80
Author(s):  
Samy Cohen

This chapter describes the ambivalent relations between Peace Now and Yitzhak Rabin. Peace Now had had no role whatsoever in drawing up the Oslo agreements. Between 1993 and 1995, while the terms were being drafted by the Oslo negotiators, Peace Now found itself marginalized. And when Rabin went to Washington in September 1995 to sign the Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, he invited only one peace activist to accompany him–the founder of an NGO for bereaved parents, who had supported his efforts in support of peace–ignoring Peace Now and its longstanding commitment to a negotiated settlement. The movement's influence was clearly on the wane. Paradoxically, the very peace for which Peace Now and other groups had fought so hard did them barely any good. There are several factors that help explain this phenomenon, the most important of which is the views of the prime minister himself: Rabin mistrusted the peace movement.


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