“The Magna Carta to Liberate Our Cities”

2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-398
Author(s):  
Casey D. Nichols
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Model Cities ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
Local Residents ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

Starting in 1964, the U.S. federal government under President Lyndon Johnson passed an ambitious reform program that included social security, urban renewal, anti-poverty initiatives, and civil rights legislation. In cities like Los Angeles, these reforms fueled urban revitalization efforts in communities affected by economic decline. These reforms closed the gap between local residents and government officials in California and even subsequently brought the city’s African American and Mexican American population into greater political proximity. Looking closely at the impact of the Chicano Movement on the Model Cities Program, a federal initiative designed specifically for urban development and renewal, this article brings the role of U.S. government policy in shaping social justice priorities in Los Angeles, and the U.S. Southwest more broadly, into sharper view.

scholarly journals Patterson v. McLean: A Confirmation of the New Right at the U.S. Supreme Court

2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 987-1009
Author(s):  
George M. Sullivan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Presidential Appointments ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

In two consecutive national elections a conservative, Ronald Reagan, was elected President of the United States. When Justice Lewis Powell announced his retirement during the late months of the Reagan administration, it was apparent that the President's last appointment could shift the ideology of the Court to conservatism for the first time since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower. President Reagan's prior appointments, Sandra Day O'Connor and Antonin Scalia, had joined William Rehnquist, an appointee of President Nixon and Bryon White, an appointee of President Kennedy to comprise a vociferous minority of four in many instances, especially cases involving civil rights. The unexpected opportunity for the appointment of a conservative jurist caused great anxiety in the media and in the U.S. Senate, the later having confirmation power over presidential appointments to the Supreme Court. This article examines the consequences of the Senate's confirmation of Justice Anthony Kennedy to the Supreme Court. The impact, which was immediate and dramatic, indicates that conservative ideology will predominate on major civil rights issues for the remainder of this century.

Women of Ethnic Minorities in Pediatrics

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-710
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Medical Schools ◽  
Ethnic Origin ◽  
Minority Women ◽  
Minority Men ◽  
Many Sources ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Racial Ethnic

OVERVIEW Minority women physicians may be defined as those of nonwhite racial and ethnic identification. There is a paucity of data available on these women. Until the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the impact of affirmative action programs, reliable statistics regarding minorities were scarce. Subsequently, a data base identifying racial/ethnic origin as well as sex of medical students and physicians has been evolving. Many sources are currently unable to provide such information because most applications are without racial identification. Neither the American Board of Pediatrics (ABP) nor the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) maintain data regarding racial/ethnic origin of members. In the 1970s there was a rapid increase in admissions of both women and minorities in US medical schools. First-year enrollment in 1980-1981 included 14.1% minority men and women (Table 1). The number of minority women entering medical school increased from 266 (2.2%) in 1971-1972 to 1,066 (6.2%) in 1981-1982 (Table 2). In departments of pediatrics in US medical schools in 1982, minority women represented 17% of all faculty members. Of 201 minority women, there were 127 Asian, 37 black, 24 Puerto Rican, three Mexican-American, nine other Hispanic, and one American Indian. The most significant increase in representation has occurred in the Asian ethnic group. Minority populations have poorer health status and are at higher risk with respect to accessibility, availability, and utilization of health services. The recruitment and training of minority physicians is important in providing culturally sensitive health care acceptable to bilingual and bicultural minorities. Most minority groups have career development problems that may be related to their ethnic and cultural background.

The Newest South

2019 ◽  
pp. 61-108
Author(s):  
Brenda Plummer
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
New South ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Cultural Patterns ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

Brenda Plummer examines the effect of the U.S. space program on race relations in key areas of the South, and the impact of that connection on popular culture. She also explores the intersection of the struggle for racial equality and aerospace exploration, as both constituted potent narratives of freedom in the American imaginary. Plummer disputes the assumption that NASA as an instrument of modernization and partner in the creation of the New South was implicitly allied with the civil rights movement. While the transformation of parts of the Deep South undeniably broke up earlier political, economic, and cultural patterns, aerospace research and development helped inaugurate a successor regime that neither challenged the structural foundations of racial inequality nor guarded against the production of new disparities.

Civil Rights, Law and Order, and Urban Development in the Post–Home Rule Era

2019 ◽  
pp. 229-246
Author(s):  
Lauren Pearlman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Urban Development ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
True Self ◽  
Richard Nixon ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Lyndon Johnson ◽  
Crime Legislation ◽  
The U.S

The conclusion discusses key trends in the shift to black political power after the 1974 election of Walter Washington, assesses the 1978 mayoral election of Marion Barry, and explains the outcomes of the programs implemented and projects undertaken during the Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon presidencies. Self-government in the nation’s capital was not a simple or arcane issue about representation but one that was central to conflicts between local and national powers. The implementation of the 1973 home rule legislation granted rights to self-government, but it did not change the U.S. Constitution. The conclusion shows how legislative home rule allowed Congress to grant autonomy to the local government while reserving the ability to intervene and overrule the District at any time. Through intense fights and increased activism, Washingtonians fought for greater political control. But the racialization of crime policies and crime discourse, the use of new surveillance methods, and the implementation of punitive federal crime legislation curbed their efforts to achieve true self- determination. This ensured that the majority-black city with a strong civil rights tradition and hints of radical promise never fulfilled its democratic potential.

The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Carlos Muñoz
Keyword(s):  
High School Students ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
School Students ◽  
Mexican American History ◽  
Mass Protest ◽  
The 1960S

Abstract The Chicano/Chicana movement was a product of the global eruption that took place in 1968. A critical understanding of this movement requires that it be put into a historical context and theoretical framework of an indigenous people who were internally colonized by the expanding us Empire after the end of the us-Mexico War of 1846-48. Violent and nonviolent struggles took place prior to the 1960s over the issues of land, social justice, and civil rights. The first nonviolent and largest Mexican American mass protest in us history occurred in the Spring of 1968 in East Los Angeles, California, where over ten thousand Chicano high school students walked out of their inferior and racist barrio high schools. The student walkouts ignited the emergence of the Chicano civil rights movement. The movement’s positive contributions and failures will be discussed. Discussion will conclude with a critical analysis of Mexican American struggles in the present age of “Trumpism”.

Manning the Barricade

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Mellinger
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
School Desegregation ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Initial Resistance ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This chapter opens the ASNE story in the mid-1950s, when ASNE members began registering the impact of the U.S. Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education school desegregation ruling and the specter of more sweeping civil rights reforms. During the 1950s, the ASNE leadership was dominated by Southern editors and much of the organization's tension over civil rights was inflected with regionalism. Key moments in the decade examined by this chapter include the ASNE board's initial resistance to integrating the organization and the membership's discourteous reception of prominent civil rights leaders—the first African Americans invited to address the ASNE—at the 1964 convention.

For Those Families Who Are Deported and Have No Place to Land

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Patiño
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Border Enforcement ◽  
Movement Organization ◽  
Enforcement Policies

Chapter 3 intervenes in the larger scholarship on CASA (The Center for Autonomous Social Action), a national Chicano Movement organization based in Los Angeles, by being the first analysis of its San Diego chapter called CASA Justicia. It reveals CASA Justicia as a significant political space that introduced younger Chicano Movement activists to elder organizers who had struggled against the deportation regime in earlier decades. CASA’s offering of legal and social services to immigrants suffering the perils of undocumented legal status unleashed a wave of migrant agency – that infused Chicano Movement ideological narratives with – and influenced the mostly Mexican-American administrators of CASA to a point where their own identities shifted. Migrants infused their narratives about the way border enforcement policies were an intensely repressive presence in their day-to-day lives determining their ability to be present in their familial relationships, to provide sustenance and economic well-being, and to freely move about.

Caged Birds

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Ground Zero ◽  
Mexican Community ◽  
History Of ◽  
Immigrant Detention ◽  
The U.S

The fifth chapter continues to chart the rise of Mexican and Mexican American incarceration in the United States. Like Magon’s rebellion, it is a tale that unfolded in Los Angeles and across the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. Like the history of immigrant detention, it is a story about the collision of deportation and incarceration. But in particular, Chapter 5 examines how, during the 1920s and 1930s, the politics of controlling Mexican immigration to the United States directly prompted the criminalization of unauthorized border crossings and, in turn, triggered a steady rise in the number of Mexicans imprisoned within the United States. Home to the largest Mexican community within the United States, Los Angeles was ground zero for the politics and practices of Mexican incarceration in these years.

Generations of Segregation

2019 ◽  
pp. 210-241
Author(s):  
George J. Sanchez
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
American Citizenship ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Film Making ◽  
The City

Los Angeles was built by immigrants from the U.S. South, Asia, and especially Mexico. After 1900 the city grew as a rail terminus, Pacific port, and tourist destination. It became a focus of film making and petroleum production, and developed booming defense industries during World War II and the Cold War. Marketed as the city of dreams, continuing immigration made it increasingly Mexican while Mexicans faced residential segregation that constrained educational chances, economic opportunities, and political participation. Fragmented urban administration allowed Realty Boards and County officials to limit Mexican-American (and African-American) citizenship despite national civil rights policies promoting integration and participation. When defense, energy, and other industries declined in the turn to globalization, African American (1973-93) and Mexican American (2005-13) mayors offered images of opening while enduring segregation constrained education, employment, and life opportunities for Mexican-Americans and African Americans. New immigrants from Mexico, Central America and beyond faced lives of marginality.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document