PENGARUH KOMUNIKASI ORGANISASI DAN KOMUNIKASI ANTAR PRIBADI TERHADAP KEAKTIFAN PENGURUS GERAKAN PEMUDA ANSOR CABANG TRENGGALEK

This study aims to describe the phenomenon of the influence of organizational communication as a basis for organizing and interpersonal communication on the activeness of the Ansor youth committee in Trenggalek Branch. The Ansor youth movement is a socio-religious organization, which has an organizational structure from the center to the regions, the central means at the center of government located in Jakarta and the regions down to the village level which have a considerable share of the changes in the Trenggalek Muslim community. The growing number of organizational members requires a series of coordination and consolidation between members so that this organization works according to its vision and mission. This study uses a quantitative research approach. There are 37 administrators consisting of daily administrators, institutions and departments as samples in the study. The questionnaire is used as a data collection tool. Data analysis using multiple linear analysis. Where, Y = 5,167 + 0,315.X 1 + 0,412.X2. The results of data analysis and hypothesis testing show that there is an influence of organizational communication on the increase in member performance, with an influence of 0.678 where the variable relationship between organizational communication and interpersonal communication has an effect on the performance of the management by 67.8%. Organizational communication has an effect on improving the performance of GP members. Ansor. The results also show that there is an influence of organizational communication and interpersonal communication influencing the activeness of the board and members of the Trenggalek branch of the Ansor youth movement organization. GP organization capabilities. Ansor involves members on organizational issues and translates them into certain forms of action under clear leadership to make the performance of the members more focused and orderly so that members are able to create and handle relationships between others if problems occur. Even the increased organizational spirit enables members to make decisions even in ambiguous and uncertain situations. Openness in building communication is one of the keys to building mutual trust and understanding among Ansor members.

Webinar Bagi Mahasiswa Baru 2021 "Sejarah dan Pemikiran H.O.S. Cokroaminoto"

This Community Service, is carried out virtually in the form of online or webinars. This activity was organized by the Campus Academic Introduction committee, Cokroaminoto University of Yogyakarta in 2021. This webinar is a routine activity held every year, to introduce a campus environment for new students every year. This activity raised the theme "Historyand Thought of Cokroaminoto", which was carried out using a zoom platform. The purpose of this webinars to get to know more closely the famous figure as well as the nation's teacher, H.O.S. Cokroaminoto, which gave the idea of Indonesia should be independent since 1912. Cokroaminoto helped raise the first national movement organization in Indonesia, the Islamic Trading Company which was established in 1905 with the founding figure H. Samanhudi. Cokroaminoto holds the title of teacher of the nation, because he has 3 famous students: Sukarno, Musso and Kartosuwiryo, all three of whom have different ideologies: Nationalists, Communists and Religious, as well as his three disciples also managed to color the journey of this nation, even more so during the old order. In the implementation of this webinar, it appears that the participation, enthusiasm and spirit of the participants, so that this webinar activity can be carried out properly and smoothly.

Activism, Inclusion, and Social Justice

This chapter considers the relations between disability and the political in contemporary societies. This includes a discussion of possibilities of human agency and social movement capacities in the disability field. The analysis discusses several models of disability and statuses of bodies, which are evident in theory, movement advocacy, and public policy. These are the personal tragedy and worthy poor model, the biomedical model, the social model, the human rights model, and the psychoemotional model of disability. The chapter then examines activism as a repertoire of activities and roles taking place in various jurisdictional spaces and territorial scales of mobilization. The chapter next analyzes three forms of social injustices and advocacy strategies pursued by contemporary disability rights movements: activism centered on recognition, redistribution, and representation. Concluding observations call on the need to examine disability and the struggle for social justice in relation to a politics of cultural recognition and identity, a politics of socioeconomic redistribution of material goods and services, and a politics of democratic representation that combines conventional and alternative modes of decision-making. Over time, the mix and style of activism may shift at the level of the individual or family, the agency or movement organization, or the national and international sectors. This gives disability activism and the struggle for social justice dynamic qualities enacted through symbolic, materialist, and political concerns in interaction with public and private authorities.

Environmental activists’ hysteresis as a driving force for establishing environmental actions against urban forest privatization in Bandung, Indonesia

Despite the huge and growing environmental movement to protect urban forests in Indonesia, the tensions between environmental activists’ past engagements with nature and the emerging environmental problems are under-studied. The inner contradiction between the intensive nature of the connections and experiences that the actor maintains and the recent external threat to the environment is the key energizer of an environmental movement. Through Pierre Bourdieu’s seminal concept of hysteresis, this article explores how activists’ previous experiences with nature suffer disjuncture caused by the threat of urban forest privatization occurring in their neighborhood. Drawn from in-depth interviews with the co-founders of an environmental movement organization, the activist narratives in this article reveal that the development of their current struggles was driven by feelings of disappointment, anxiety, anger and a fear of losing the urban forest. The urban forest, for them, not only constitutes a physical space, but serves social and spiritual purposes, represents local identity and is the basis for everyday life.

“Glocal” and Transversal Engagement in Youth Social Movements: A Twitter-Based Case Study of Fridays For Future-Barcelona

In the last decade, there has been a significant rise in the number of global social movements, generating claims of a new networked era of global social movements, in which young people often play a central role. Young generations and social movements tend to identify with a diverse set of social and political issues on both a global and local scale, while often displaying a progressive and transversal outlook. Among these youth social movements, we find Fridays For Future, a youth climate organization noted for its unique scope and tactics as well as for illustrating the prominence of environmental issues in youth activism. Since 2018, the movement has progressively grown into a network composed of many local and national groups across the world. Beyond analysis of the global character of the movement and the profile and motivations of its activists, it seems opportune to look at how—at the organizational level—these local groups evolve and position themselves. Based on a social network and a content analysis of Fridays For Future-Barcelona’s Twitter account since its creation, this article explores the organization’s “glocal” and transversal dynamics, the relationship that might exist between these two, and the potential influence of the COVID-19 pandemic on these processes. The results show that, stemming from a global preoccupation for climate change, this Youth Climate Movement organization has been increasingly oriented towards local-level networking, anchoring its activism in local struggles and realities. They also show a positively-associated process—reinforced by the COVID-19 pandemic—of increasing transversality, reflecting aspirations for global justice and the idea of an interdependency between climate change and other social, political and economic issues.

From Organizational-Centric Engagement to Network-Centric Engagement: The Role of Autonomous Public Communities in a Mediated Public Policy Advocacy Network

In this study, we explore how a social movement organization ( Sunrise.org ) and its autonomous public community advocated for the Green New Deal on social media. An autonomous public community is a group of publics that initially connect with each other through their engagement with a focal organization. Then, they go on to develop ties among themselves that go beyond simply responding to organizations’ messages. Autonomous public communities are ubiquitous on social media. Our research identifies unique patterns of interactions in an autonomous public community and finds that the Tertius Iungens orientation brings the network together. We also find that while the focal organization is not centralized in an autonomous public community, it still significantly affects tie formation and discourse as the networks evolve. Our study reveals a nuanced understanding of networked organization–public engagement where network structure and discourse are co-created by the organizations and the communities that they engage.

The cerebellum encodes and influences the initiation and termination of discontinuous movements

The cerebellum is hypothesized to represent timing information important for organizing salient motor events during periodically performed discontinuous movements. To provide functional evidence validating this idea, we measured and manipulated Purkinje cell (PC) activity in the lateral cerebellum of mice trained to volitionally elicit periodic bouts of stereotyped licking for regularly allocated water rewards. Overall, PC simple spiking modulated during task performance, ramping prior to both lick-bout initiation and termination, two important motor events delimiting movement cycles. The ramping onset occurred earlier for the initiation of un-cued exploratory licking that anticipated water availability relative to licking that was reactive to water allocation, suggesting that the cerebellum is engaged differently depending on the movement context. In a subpopulation of PCs, climbing-fiber-evoked responses also increased during lick-bout initiation, but not termination, highlighting differences in how cerebellar input pathways represent task-related information. Optogenetic perturbation of PC activity disrupted the behavior in both initiating and terminating licking bouts and reduced the ability of animals to finely time predictive action around reward delivery, confirming a causative role in movement organization. Together, these results substantiate that the cerebellum contributes to the control of explicitly timed repeated motor actions.

Flexland in wording.

Internationally, the 1980s marked a shift in economic policy. In the Netherlands, it was the decade of the supposedly moderate neoliberal turn and of the first round of flexibilization. Nowadays, the degree of flexibility of the Dutch labour market is exceptionally high compared to neighbouring countries. This article examines how the trade union movement in the 1980s responded to increasing flexibilization, which strategy was used, and how this contributed to early Dutch flexibilization. In contrast to the literature with an institutional perspective, this article analyzes the trade union movement from a social-historical perspective and as a social movement organization. As a result, it argues that the effects of rising flexibilization were signalled very early on within the trade unions. Be that as it may, both the priorities that followed from the agreements with employer organizations and the internal dynamics, were decisive for the trade union movement’s relatively late and unassertive responses towards the flexibilization of labour in the 1980s.

Die rechtspopulistische PEGIDA in der COVID-19-Pandemie

Zusammenfassung Dieser Beitrag thematisiert die Reaktionen der Dresdner rechtspopulistischen Protestbewegung „Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes“ (PEGIDA) auf die COVID-19-Pandemie in Deutschland. Er beschäftigt sich mit Kontinuitäten und Brüchen in PEGIDAs Aktivismus während der ersten Pandemie-Welle und „Lockdown“, insbesondere im Hinblick auf Aktionsformen, Netzwerke und diskursive Deutungsrahmen. Auf Grundlage des Verständnisses von PEGIDA als einer social movement organization (SMO), die sich in und durch öffentlichen Protest konstituiert, analysiert der Artikel zum einen Kontinuitäten in PEGIDAs Kooperation mit etablierten Figuren aus der Rechtsaußen-Szene sowie in bekannten rechtspopulistischen Artikulationsmustern. Zum anderen verweist die Analyse auf neuartige, virtuelle Aktionsformen sowie auf veränderte, der regierungskritischen „Querdenken“-Bewegung angepasste Deutungsrahmen. Abschließend argumentiert der Beitrag, dass PEGIDA während der ersten Welle der COVID-19-Pandemie weder eindeutige Mobilisierungserfolge noch -misserfolge verbuchen konnte. Der Analyse liegt eine „virtuelle Ethnographie“ zugrunde.