Right to Kill, Right to Make Live: Koreans as Japanese and Japanese as Americans During WWII

2007 ◽  
Vol 99 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takashi Fujitani

This article argues that the demands of waging total war effected parallel and mutually constitutive changes in the political rationalities of the Japanese colonial empire and the United States, and modulated racism away from its "vulgar" to its more "polite" form. The shift in political rationality centered on a movement away from (albeit not the displacement of) the deductive logic of the "right to kill" toward the productive logic of the "right to make live."

1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-196
Author(s):  
Domenico da Empoli

Abstract C. K. Rowley, The Right to Justice - The Political Economy of Legal Services in the United States, The Locke Institute, Brookfield, Edward Elgar, 1992, pp. 413, US$ 49,00.


1980 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 181-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon White

Demobilized soldiers have been widely regarded, by political analysts and politicians alike, as a distinctive political group of considerable importance. Politicians in a number of countries have been acutely aware of the ambiguous potential of ex-soldiers and have striven to mobilize them under their own colours. In several western countries, notably the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, veterans' organizations have often been a powerful bulwark of conservatism, advocating the virile values of patriotism, sanctifying the status quo and supporting the political forces of the right. During the Vietnam War, on the other hand, the anti-war movement in the United States realized the political potential of Vietnam veterans and effectively mobilized a section of them in opposition to official war policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Korstanje Maximiliano

Abstract Why do the United States reserve the right to be called “America” by conferring the “Americas” to the whole continent?, is that a clear sign of discrimination or supremacy or both? Ideologically, America refers to the United States of “America” excluding other regions such as Latin America, central or South America. This leads some scholars to explain convincingly that, beyond this subtle grammatical difference, the Anglo-ethnocentrism in the United States has been drawn to make their citizens believe they are unique, outstanding, and special. Basically, this belief allowed not only to fight against the political enemies in Europe or in any other geographical point, but also to control the incipient worker union leaderships. What merits further attention, anyway, is the sentiment of exemplarity instilled by the founding parents of this nation. Fear was historically a mechanism of control employed by US governments at different stages in several ways. Our intention is not only to review how the fear disciplined by the claims of work-force, but also explain why the sentiment of exemplarity and fear are inextricably intertwined.


1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. 731-764 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Sterett

The political effectiveness of legal expertise in the United States has rested on the ability of a peak association to present itself as representing the opinion of the profession as a whole. It has also relied on a broad epistemology in which lawyers claim to know the right thing to do. However, the effectiveness and placement of such expertise is a comparative issue. This article argues that organizations other than peak associations can muster the support required for legitimacy in the modem state. The legal profession's epistemology could lead it to narrow rather than broaden its claims in order to effectively claim expertise in something. The ability of the central state to shape a profession's mandate and to reject its advice will also influence the deployment of legal expertise. The article explores these issues in the context of the reform of administrative law in England and Wales. In England and Wales, an expertise-based commission mimicked the processes expected of a peak association. In anticipation of rejection by the central administration, it constrained rather than broadened its policy recommendations.


1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Rose

The Constitution of the United States as amended provides that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” These words are plain. Everybody understands them. They mean, and every one knows that they mean, that, from the constitutional point of view, one question relative to the suffrage is no longer open. That question is the very one about which I am asked to write. From the political point of view, from the historical point of view, from the social point of view, from the economic point of view, and from the ethical point of view, there is much to be said about negro suffrage. For centuries yet to come there may be much to be said. From the constitutional point of view, accurately defined, there has been nothing to say since March 30, 1870. On that day the Secretary of State of the United States proclaimed that the Fifteenth Amendment had been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-nine out of the then thirty-seven States. The apparent assent of a number of these legislatures, perhaps, had not been a real assent. It might have been given under duress. Still, it had been given. The men who assumed to be the legislatures of other of these States may have had little moral and a very doubtful legal right to speak for them.


Author(s):  
Emran MAHAFZAH ◽  

The revolution in Europe and the United States, especially the French revolution of 1789, expressed the right of change, the Declaration of Human Rights, and citizenship. This right was expressed in the form of "resisting tyranny" and the "right of revolution". It was included in many writings of the Renaissance and Enlightenment period, but it started to disappear when democracy stabilized as a political system expressing the modern state identity. In spite of the fact that the democratic pattern embedded a group of guarantees in order to exercise public freedoms, the right of change has remained as the last resort that does not need to be documented in national laws and constitution., However, its legality and legitimacy are based on the principle of people's sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton

The movement to maintain the influence of the countryside and of farmers in particular dominated political thought in England and the United States throughout most of the nineteenth century, and still influenced millions into the mid-twentieth century. Aspects of agrarianism, romantic farm literature, and its many variants on the continent of Europe—including biodynamics and German biological farming—all can be seen as building blocks that merged with the organic farming protocols pioneered by Albert Howard (discussed further in later chapters). The reaction against industrialism must be understood as both a cultural and a political movement. This explains why—though socialist and leftist thinkers of all stripes also shared agrarian ideals—the main arguments against the effects of industrialism were from those on the right of the political spectrum.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-133
Author(s):  
James T. Sparrow

A conceptual problem presented itself with great urgency in the 1940s and early 1950s, as the United States embarked on a project of global reconstruction to defeat and eradicate fascism, contain communism, and destabilize if not supplant colonial empire. This was the problem of how to reconceive the nature of American sovereignty—a challenge just as pressing as the many practical tasks entailed by the building of an international order. The democratic leviathan had to be rethought for an atomic age in which total war and genocide were accomplished facts rather than mere possibilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 141-151
Author(s):  
K. Gadzhiev

The article attempts to analyze some factors that, in the author’s opinion, may more or less significantly affect the fate and prospects of D. Trump and his legacy – a set of ideas, program guidelines, forms, methods, means of restructuring the socio-political life and the power system of the United States, which became known under the collective name “Trumpism”. The main attention is focused on substantiating the thesis that the victory of D. Trump, who in the context of the political realities of the United States could be regarded as an outsider, in the presidential elections in November 2016, was not a historical accident, but a natural result of deep shifts in infrastructures of the American society. After analyzing the objective and subjective factors of the struggle for power and the right to choose the paths and prospects of the socio-historical development of the United States between Trumpism and the political platform of J. Biden, the leader of the Democrats, it was concluded that all possible attempts to neutralize and push the Trump legacy to the periphery of social and political life appear to be insolvent. The author sees the essence of the problem in the fact that in the presidential elections of both 2016 and 2020 it was a question of voting for/against not just specific candidates from the Republican and Democratic Parties, but under conditions of a deep crisis, in support of or against the program of social and political development of the country. In the 2020 elections, D. Trump and J. Biden were viewed by the majority of voters as symbols of defenders and opponents of the dominant political, intellectual, media establishment, as well as the so-called “Washington swamp” and a “deep state”. Since the factors that prompted 74 million Americans to vote for Trump have not disappeared, the Democrats led by J. Biden will have to rule America with these realities in mind.


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