Negro Suffrage: The Constitutional Point of View

1906 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Rose

The Constitution of the United States as amended provides that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” These words are plain. Everybody understands them. They mean, and every one knows that they mean, that, from the constitutional point of view, one question relative to the suffrage is no longer open. That question is the very one about which I am asked to write. From the political point of view, from the historical point of view, from the social point of view, from the economic point of view, and from the ethical point of view, there is much to be said about negro suffrage. For centuries yet to come there may be much to be said. From the constitutional point of view, accurately defined, there has been nothing to say since March 30, 1870. On that day the Secretary of State of the United States proclaimed that the Fifteenth Amendment had been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-nine out of the then thirty-seven States. The apparent assent of a number of these legislatures, perhaps, had not been a real assent. It might have been given under duress. Still, it had been given. The men who assumed to be the legislatures of other of these States may have had little moral and a very doubtful legal right to speak for them.

Author(s):  
Laode Muhamad Fathun

Poverty in this country. During the reign of Chavez and Maduro the people felt a little prosperity again, but this is what America hates because America is finding it difficult to implement its neoliberalism policy in Venezuela. After the events that continue to happen, Maduro does not remain silent. Namely by continuing Chavez's socialist policies. Here the researcher uses the theory of foreign policy decision making by Alex Mintz to explain what factors influence Maduro policy and here the researcher uses the concept of national interest to explain what Maduro's interests are in this policy, this research methodology is qualitative explanatory using interviews as data. secondary and librarian as primary data. This research finds 4 main factors in Nicolas Maduro's foreign policy. From the social condition of Venezuela itself which is very crisis-ridden to the point where there is a split between the layers of society, Maduro finally does not listen to the people's complaints to him, then from a psychological point of view, Maduro, who really hates the United States, has a very tough mindset that he is too confident in his beliefs. In order to be able to fight America, in the end his belief was not in accordance with expectations and instead had a negative effect. Therefore, it is clear that emotions play an important role in important political decisions. From an economic point of view, Venezuela is no longer able to support its own country in economic terms. If this country supports itself, there will be greater destruction


1974 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Evans

Governments have been increasingly preoccupied with the task of reconciling claims to preferential treatment with the principle of equality. The social and philosophical issues raised by this apparent paradox are considered, and the compatibility of benign discrimination with the concept of equality demonstrated by developing a complex normative notion of equality. An analysis is then undertaken of the various attempts made by lawyers, in nearly one hundred existing bills of rights, to give formal expression to these principles. Ultimately the problem of benign discrimination falls for resolution by the courts, and the jurisprudence developed in this respect by the Supreme Courts of Canada and the United States is critically discussed and compared. Having exhaustively developed an appreciation of world experience regarding the interaction of bills of rights equality clauses and benign discrimination, consideration is given to the formulation of the Australian Human Rights Bill—a bill of which Gareth Evans was one of the principal draftsmen.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 15-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Egil Asprem

The election of the 45th president of the United States set in motion a hidden war in the world of the occult. From the meme-filled underworld of alt-right-dominated imageboards to a widely publicized “binding spell” against Trump and his supporters, the social and ideological divides ripping the American social fabric apart are mirrored by witches, magicians, and other esotericists fighting each other with magical means. This article identifies key currents and developments and attempts to make sense of the wider phenomenon of why and how the occult becomes a political resource. The focus is on the alt-right’s emerging online esoteric religion, the increasingly enchanted notion of “meme magic,” and the open confrontation between different magical paradigms that has ensued since Trump’s election in 2016. It brings attention to the competing views of magical efficacy that have emerged as material and political stakes increase, and theorizes the religionizing tendency of segments of the alt-right online as a partly spontaneous and partially deliberate attempt to create “collective effervescence” and galvanize a movement around a charismatic authority. Special focus is given to the ways in which the politicized magic of both the left and the right produce “affect networks” that motivate political behaviors through the mobilization of (mostly aversive) emotions.


1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-196
Author(s):  
Domenico da Empoli

Abstract C. K. Rowley, The Right to Justice - The Political Economy of Legal Services in the United States, The Locke Institute, Brookfield, Edward Elgar, 1992, pp. 413, US$ 49,00.


Author(s):  
Lorin Niculae ◽  
◽  
Ana-Dora Matei ◽  
Alecsandru Vasiliu ◽  
◽  
...  

„House of Dawn” is the name of a project pertaining to the Arhipera trademark. It follows the same line of action of the group, namely the practice of social participatory architecture. The project concentrates on assuming the human capital that is in the limit situation of privation of shelter and tries to integrate it in a program that involves qualification and professional conversion in the construction field; the goal of the program is the „overnight” building of a minimal dwelling. The solutions for this category of persons in state of difficulty, situated at the extremity of the society, entails the configuration of varied typologies of minimal evolutive dwellings; as in the previous projects, the solutions aim at a democratic architecture obtained by using the „bottom‐up” model. In addition, the project proposes an ecological approach of the design, a durable development of the dwellings and puts a strong emphasis on the sustainability. From a topological point of view, the plots for building the dwellings for the homeless people will be connected with the existent urban tissue in order to achieve the social integration of the participants in the program; the choice of the plots focuses on unconventional spaces with regard to social habitation. A possibility that has been carefully considered from scratch is the reprocessing of unused urban spaces, including the recycling of the initial architectural function. Through the manifest of this program we propose the conversion of certain unfinished spaces of the totalitarian architecture of The People’s House/The Palace of Parliament into spaces for social dwellings destined for unsheltered people. In this particular case, the architectural recycling transforms the Totalitarianism into democracy and restores The People’s House to the people itself. The project is based on the norms of common law regarding the right to occupy the space meant for habitation. A family that is able to erect a house overnight on a plot on which it has no rights to is dignified to inhabit the respective space and proves to be useful from a social and economic point of view to the community that accepts it. The idea of the project is also sustained by a program of social integration of the beneficiaries and their inclusion in the labor market. The implementation of this type of social architecture is defined by efficiency, adaptability and flexibility and it’s centered both on the consolidation of the communitarian potential and on dwelling as an essential dimension of the humans. At the border of day and night, at the intersection of two spaces placed at the extremes, the Arhipera projects speak about opening the limit and abolishing it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1487-1490
Author(s):  
Alban Kadriu

Convinced that I train a topic that is extremely important at the time and at the same time very relevant to the circumstances in which the United States and its allies are doing today, continue to play a very important role on the international stage, as well as in Europe and elsewhere and still remain with great influence.The goal of this thesis is to motivate more precisely the socio-political circumstances that not only differ from moment to moment, but also include ideas and successive situations that sometimes even the most exciting scientists find it difficult to identify what is happens and appears at certain moments. With the greatest dedication and knowing that what I am saying from this point can be changed, it was also reasonable to give some ideas from my point of view and to approach my ideas now called the political and international scene with a sophisticated expression of democratic values with a very strong dose of indications that we can call moderate invasions. Shortly, this is, in the present, making American contemporary politics through its allies and influences, which in fact tend to be many factors; economic, political, military, and primarily geostrategic.My job is aimed not to look at this issue in detail, but to give an individual approach in comparison with the appearance and the case, as it seems from my point of view, which I do not think includes several challenges that are drawn into circles; today this has happened with concrete and diverse diplomatic actions, but my will attract those who are most interested in Europe, the Balkans and elsewhere in the current and current circumstances.


Author(s):  
Suci Ramadhan

<p class="abstrak">The United States Constitution affirms that religious freedom is a fundamental human right regardless of religion. It is upheld by every citizen and the country. However, the political policies in a particular country are often considered to paralyze fundamental rights in religion, causing various problems in Muslim life at the social and political levels. This research aims to analyze the intersectional dynamic of religion, constitution, and Muslim human rights towards life and religious freedom in the United States. This qualitative research uses the lens of political approach. Primary data are taken from the United States Constitution and policies, and supported by secondary data from various books, scientific articles, and news. The results suggest that religious sentiment (Islam) is found in the political policies of the United States. Currently, unconstitutional and discriminative policies are gradually removed because it triggers the social and political chaos. The United States constitution strives towards a pluralist and multi-religious country rebuilding that is safe and peaceful for religion as guaranteed by the constitution. In fact, the public and political spaces have been occupied by many Muslims in an effort to resolve the problems of state and human rights, including the religious sentiment issues.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Timoshenkova ◽  

The article is a study of the political phenomenon of German Chancellor A. Merkel, her special style of governance, objective factors and personal qualities that contributed to the construction of a long and successful career. The author analyzes in detail the period of governmental coalitions of the CDU/CSU with the SPD (2005‒2009) and the FDP (2009‒2013). It was the experience that had the greatest influence on the shaping of her image as a first female Chancellor of Germany. The theory of the difference between women's leadership and men's leadership is used in this paper. Through the prism of this theory we analyze the ways of struggle for leadership. The beginning of Merkel's career and the period of her ministerial activity were characterized by a harsh treatment of her rivals. Later she learned to do it in a softer way. The image of a consensual, supraparty leader, who knows how to find a compromise, is the result of Merkel's conscious work on herself. The need to be chancellor of a “grand coalition” and to cooperate with the SPD, an almost equal partner in terms of strength, contributed greatly to such a leadership style. The second legislative period helped A. Merkel to acquire the qualities of a “crisis manager”. In the conclusion of the article it is concluded that the basis of A. Merkel's political survival was the ability to learn quickly and adapt during various difficulties. From this point of view, the Frau Chancellor's main “teacher” was her first rival, the Social Democrat H. Schroeder. It was his political fate that allowed Merkel to come to a conclusion about the need to combine the post of chancellor and party leadership, which allowed her to stay in power for 16 years.


1980 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 181-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon White

Demobilized soldiers have been widely regarded, by political analysts and politicians alike, as a distinctive political group of considerable importance. Politicians in a number of countries have been acutely aware of the ambiguous potential of ex-soldiers and have striven to mobilize them under their own colours. In several western countries, notably the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, veterans' organizations have often been a powerful bulwark of conservatism, advocating the virile values of patriotism, sanctifying the status quo and supporting the political forces of the right. During the Vietnam War, on the other hand, the anti-war movement in the United States realized the political potential of Vietnam veterans and effectively mobilized a section of them in opposition to official war policy.


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