Hà Nội's Responses to Beijing's Renewed Enthusiasm to Aid North Vietnam, 1970–1972

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-139
Author(s):  
Kosal Path

Relying on Vietnamese archival documents, this article reveals that Chinese chauvinistic behaviors during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968) triggered the Vietnamese fear of Chinese expansionism and caused Hà Nội to distrust Beijing's intentions in Indochina. With such fear and distrust, Hà Nội's leaders changed their mind about the desirability of Beijing's proposed redeployment of Chinese volunteers to North Vietnam to confront the US escalation of war in Indochina in the Spring of 1970, despite the fact that they were facing enormous shortage of manpower to meet the dual demand of economic reconstruction in the North and the war effort in the South.

Author(s):  
Jeffrey Lawrence

This chapter focuses on a paradigmatic misencounter between an American experiencer and a Latin American reader. Examining an implicit debate about the sources of Walt Whitman’s poetry and vision of the Americas, I argue that Waldo Frank, one of the twentieth century’s main literary ambassadors from the US to Latin America, positioned Whitman as the representative US writer whose antibookish experiential aesthetics could serve as a model for “American” writers both in the North and in the South. I show how Frank’s framework provided a foil for Borges’s idiosyncratic view that Whitman’s poetry about America derived entirely from his readings of European and US writers. Although much of the best scholarship on Whitman’s reception in Latin America has concentrated on poets like José Martí and Pablo Neruda, who adapted Whitman’s naturalism, I contend that Borges’s iconoclastic portrait of Whitman as a reader profoundly influenced a range of anti-experiential literary theories and practices in Latin America.


2021 ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Kathryn Weathersby

This paper examines some of the ways the US-centric framework of Anglophone Korean studies has distorted scholarship on post-colonial Korean history. First, an over-emphasis on the American role in the division of Korea has exaggerated the possibility that the US and USSR could have compromised to create a unified government for the peninsula. The Soviet documentary record reveals that Moscow was determined to obstruct such an outcome if it endangered Soviet security. Second, by focusing on the serious damage the American occupation inflicted on the South, scholars have understated the control Soviet occupation authorities exercised in the North.


Author(s):  
Leah Platt Boustan

This chapter explains that the mobility of black southerners began increasing in the birth cohorts born immediately after the Civil War. Many of these moves took place within the South. Despite plentiful industrial jobs in the “thousand furnaces” of northern cities at the turn of the twentieth century, the potential wage benefits of settling in the North was dampened by the absence of a migrant network that southern blacks could use to secure employment upon arrival. Large flows of northward migration awaited a period of abnormally high economic returns, which arose during World War I. Circa 1915, northern factories supplying the war effort experienced a surge in labor demand, coupled with a temporary freeze in European immigration, which encouraged northern employers to turn to other sources of labor.


2019 ◽  
pp. 130-134
Author(s):  
James G. Mendez

As 1865 began, the Union saw victory in sight. Major Union victories in the later months of 1864 led to the sense of optimism in the North. Union armies on all fronts throughout the South continued to put pressure on the Confederates. Still, the Confederates were not willing to end the war just yet. They scrambled to keep their morale up and their armies together and supplied with men and resources. And even with victory in site, African Americans continued to volunteer to join the Union army in 1865. In spite of the hardships black troops and their families experienced in 1863 and 1864 and would endure in 1865, Northern blacks continued to support the Union war effort. And similar to their white counterparts, the more battles they participated in, the more committed black troops became to finish the job and to ensure their fallen comrades had not died in vain.


1995 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyên Thê Anh

The communist take-over of South Vietnam in 1975 presents a certain resemblance to what happened two hundred years before, when the Trinh lords in the North overran the Nguyen's polity in the South by 1775, seizing the territories that had been separate from their control for over two centuries. The similitude of the two situations did seem highly symbolic to the Institute of Historical Studies in Hanoi, which on the pretext of publishing a complete collection of the eighteenth-century scholar Le Quy Don's works, reprinted a former translation of his “Miscellaneous chronicles of the government of the frontiers” as the first volume of this collection. This work was originally composed in 1776, after its author had been ordered south, as a member of the Trinh lords’ bureaucracy, to help restore civil government in the “recovered” areas, and facilitate their reincorporation into the north-centred political system. In its detailed description of the different aspects of southern administration, economy and society, it is tantamount to a survey of the affairs of what the author considered as an irrevocably defeated Vietnamese enemy government. This account of the southern regions at that very moment of national reunification seems also, to some extent, appropriate for the justification of the Tightness of the ideology of a North Vietnam that has just then triumphed over its adversaries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-4) ◽  
pp. 147-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
James K. Wetterer

Gnamptogenys hartmani is a specialist predator that attacks colonies of fungus-growing ants. To examine the biogeography of G. hartmani, I compiled specimen records of G. hartmani from 36 sites, and records of Gnamptogenys bruchi (a possible junior synonym) from seven sites. Records of Gnamptogenys hartmani ranged from Lucky, Louisiana (32.2°N) in the north to Villa Nougués, Argentina (26.9°S) in the south. If G. bruchi proves to be a synonym of G. hartmani, this would extend the known range as far south as Alta Gracia, Argentina (31.7°S). In the US, G. hartmani populations are known only from Texas and Louisiana, yet there is much apparently suitable habitat along the Gulf coast of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. Given the remarkable scarcity of G. hartmani records throughout its known range, it remains possible that G. hartmani populations occur all along the Gulf coast of the US, but have been overlooked.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre Asselin

AbstractSince the end of the Vietnam War thirty years ago, Western scholars have made countless attempts at explaining that conflict's course and rationalizing its outcome. These attempts have considered a wide variety of elements ranging from the personalities of those involved in the decision- making process in Washington to the technologies used by American forces against their enemies in Indochina. Ironically, few scholars have considered the element that may have been most important in determining the outcome of the war, mainly the North Vietnamese leadership. As a result, little is known about the nature of that leadership. For many Western scholars, Ho Chi Minh inspired the North Vietnamese war effort, Vo Nguyen Giap coordinated it, and Pham Van Dong, as prime minister of the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam (DRVN), supervised the implementation of Ho and Giap's policies. That others may have been involved and influential in the decision-making process in Hanoi is rarely considered in Western scholarship. We accept the notion that the Ho-Giap-Dong axis led the effort against the United States, and the zeal of the North Vietnamese people carried Hanoi to victory.


Author(s):  
Andrew J. Gawthorpe

From 1965 to 1973, the United States attempted to prevent the absorption of the non-Communist state of South Vietnam by Communist North Vietnam as part of its Cold War strategy of containment. In doing so, the United States had to battle both the North Vietnamese military and guerrillas indigenous to South Vietnam. The Johnson administration entered the war without a well-thought-out strategy for victory, and the United States quickly became bogged down in a bloody stalemate. A major Communist assault in 1968 known as the Tet Offensive convinced US leaders of the need to seek a negotiated solution. This task fell to the Nixon administration, which carried on peace talks while simultaneously seeking ways to escalate the conflict and force North Vietnam to make concessions. Eventually it was Washington that made major concessions, allowing North Vietnam to keep its forces in the South and leaving South Vietnam in an untenable position. US troops left in 1973 and Hanoi successfully invaded the South in 1975. The two Vietnams were formally unified in 1976. The war devastated much of Vietnam and came at a huge cost to the United States in terms of lives, resources, and political division at home. It gave birth to the largest mass movement against a war in US history, motivated by opposition both to conscription and to the damage that protesters perceived the war was doing to the United States. It also raised persistent questions about the wisdom of both military intervention and nation-building as tools of US foreign policy. The war has remained a touchstone for national debate and partisan division even as the United States and Vietnam moved to normalize diplomatic relations with the end of the Cold War.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Soosaipillai Keethaponcalan

There are apparent differences between the developed North and the economically weak South. The relations between the North and South are marked by dichotomies and in order to deal with the challenges posed by the South, the North choses control and cooperation. The North uses several instruments including economic assistance to achieve its objectives. One of the new tools that is increasingly taken advantage of is human rights. Although there exists a genuine concern about human rights standards in the South, action on these issues almost always depends on national interest of the states in the North. This paradigm is proved true by the present human rights campaign the United States is undertaking against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council. The US and its Western allies believe that serious human rights violations have been committed during the last phase of the war in Sri Lanka. Promoting accountability and insisting on an international investigation, the US has successfully presented three resolutions on Sri Lanka since 2012. This paper argues that the US action is motivated primarily by its national interest. At the secondary level the US is interested in curtailing what is called the Sri Lanka model of conflict resolution and promoting reconciliation.


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