scholarly journals Law and Order and the American Criminal Justice System

Author(s):  
David L. Sutton ◽  
Melissa Britts ◽  
Margaret Landman

TELEVISION PROGRAMMES AS LEGAL TEXTS: WHAT LAW AND ORDER TELLS US ABOUT THE AMERICAN CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM In this work, we take the perspective that although a television program is produced for the brief amusement of a mass audience, it can be viewed as having a part in the scholarly investigation of law and justice in our society. The central question we are focussing on is: What does Law & Order programme tell its audience about the American criminal justice system? According to one of the program's official web sites, Law & Order is a "realistic" television series that examines "law and order from a dual perspective." For roughly the first half-hour, the program focuses on two New York Police Department (NYPD) detectives as they "investigate crimes and apprehend law-breakers." Then the scene switches to the criminal courts, where two assistant district attorneys "work within a complicated justice system...

Author(s):  
Brett Curry ◽  
Banks Miller

The pervasiveness of their influence arguably makes prosecutors the most consequential actors in the American criminal justice system. Armed with discretion over which cases to pursue, what charges to file, and which issue areas to prioritize, prosecutors play a decisive role in determining what progresses from investigation to the courtroom. It is their charge to do justice in each case, but that obligation hardly forecloses the influence of politics on their decisions. Despite their centrality, however, prosecutors and their behavior have failed to garner even a fraction of the attention that scholars have directed toward law enforcement, correctional systems, or judges. The discretion of American prosecutors is theoretically immense; there are few formal constraints upon it. If a federal or state prosecutor declines to pursue a case that has been referred to him or her, that declination decision is essentially immune from judicial review. But these formalisms come with more practical limitations. At the federal level, United States Attorneys are appointed by the president and, therefore, are expected to carry out an administration’s general policy priorities. In the states, most district attorneys answer to the electorate, which imposes its own constraints on a prosecutor’s freedom of action. Chief prosecutors—state and federal—are simultaneously principals to their subordinates and agents of the people or the president. If those considerations were not enough, American prosecutors must be mindful of still other factors. How might their actions today impact their future career paths? What influence might legislative changes, public opinion, or judicial rulings have on how they operate? Scholarship on prosecutors has addressed some of these questions, but we still lack a good understanding of all the ways in which politics infects prosecutorial decision-making. As “progressive prosecutors”—many who are former public defenders—continue to win office, new questions will arise about how far prosecutors can push reform of the criminal justice system. A major looming question is how voters conditioned to law-and-order rhetoric will evaluate the new prosecutors. Some preliminary work shows that non-White prosecutors tend to reduce rates of incarceration, while Republican-affiliated prosecutors increase them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (6) ◽  
pp. 1002-1014
Author(s):  
Chris Mai ◽  
Maria Katarina E. Rafael

Criminal justice system fines and fees are a source of revenue for courts, district attorneys, probation departments, and other actors both inside and outside of the justice system. Because these departments rely on fine and fee revenue to partially fund their budgets, they may be incentivized to oppose reforms that would reduce fine and fee collections. Using budget documents from counties and a sample of municipalities in Florida and New York, the authors find that budget reports provide more detailed data on fines and fees than are available from other data sources, including information on which types of fines and fees are collected and how much revenue criminal justice fines and fees provide, both on a per-capita basis and as a share of the total jurisdiction budget. This paper presents a replicable methodology for future research in how to use local government budget documents to evaluate fine and fee collections. A larger, forthcoming study will use this methodology to examine fine and fee collections in five states.


Author(s):  
Martin Hannibal ◽  
Lisa Mountford

This introductory chapter briefly sets out the volume’s purpose, which is to explain the legal, procedural and evidential rules governing how cases are dealt with by the criminal justice system. It then explains the philosophy of the text and its unique features; introduces the key personnel and organisations within the criminal justice system; introduces the Criminal Procedure Rules; explains the classification of offences according to their trial venue; summarizes the jurisdiction of the criminal courts; stresses the importance of the pervasive issue of human rights; and highlights professional conduct considerations in the context of criminal litigation.


Author(s):  
Stuart Don

This chapter analyses the pervasive impact of the Charter on the Canadian criminal justice system. Active judicial interpretation of Charter rights has put in place distinctive constitutional standards of substantive law, including those of fault, and struck down oppressive laws for arbitrariness and overbreadth. Also examined are new standards for police powers to stop, search, detain and interrogate, fair trial rights such as the duty of full Crown disclosure, and for assessing mandatory minimum sentences. This chapter describes and welcomes a robust exclusionary discretion for evidence obtained in violation of the Charter. It is suggested that the Canadian Charter standards are no panacea and are sometimes too weak but that they have often provided a welcome balance to the expedient lure of law-and-order politics.


Author(s):  
Natalie Todak ◽  
Janne E. Gaub ◽  
Michael D. White

Purpose The diffusion of innovations paradigm suggests that stakeholders’ acceptance of a police innovation shapes how it spreads and impacts the larger criminal justice system. A lack of support by external stakeholders for police body-worn cameras (BWCs) can short-circuit their intended benefits. The purpose of this paper is to examine the perceptions of BWCs among non-police stakeholders who are impacted by the technology as well as how BWCs influence their daily work processes. Design/methodology/approach The authors conducted interviews and focus groups (n=41) in two US cities where the police department implemented BWCs. The interviewees range from courtroom actors (e.g. judges, prosecutors) to those who work with police in the field (e.g. fire and mental health), city leaders, civilian oversight members, and victim advocates. Findings External stakeholders are highly supportive of the new technology. Within the diffusion of innovations framework, this support suggests that the adoption of BWCs will continue. However, the authors also found the decision to implement BWCs carries unique consequences for external stakeholders, implying that a comprehensive planning process that takes into account the views of all stakeholders is critical. Originality/value Despite the recent diffusion of BWCs in policing, this is the first study to examine the perceptions of external stakeholders. More broadly, few criminologists have applied the diffusion of innovations framework to understand how technologies and other changes emerge and take hold in the criminal justice system. This study sheds light on the spread of BWCs within this framework and offers insights on their continued impact and consequences.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alette Smeulers ◽  
Alette Smeulers ◽  
Barbora Hola ◽  
Alette Smeulers ◽  
Barbora Hola ◽  
...  

The international criminal justice system comprises nine international criminal courts and tribunals; six are still operational and three have closed down. On average, they operated for almost nine years apiece and concluded 172 cases in which over 250 judges and 23 chief prosecutors were involved. All in all 745 suspects were indicted, 356 were actually tried and, of these, some 281 defendants were convicted. Currently 34 suspects are on trial and 22 are still at large. The ‘average’ convicted perpetrator is male, aged 40 and a member of a military or paramilitary organisation from Europe, Asia or Africa who is acting on behalf of his government. These are just some of the facts and figures which we present in this article: an overview of the empirical reality of the international criminal justice system which has currently been functioning for just over 65 years.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evgenia Milman ◽  
Joah L. Williams ◽  
Kaitlin Bountress ◽  
Alyssa A. Rheingold

Homicide survivors are at increased risk for mental health disorders, including depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and complicated grief (CG). Accordingly, this survey study examined how satisfaction with the criminal justice system (CJS) was associated with depression, PTSD, and CG among 47 homicide survivors. It also examined how satisfaction with specific aspects of the CJS related to satisfaction with the overall CJS. Satisfaction with the overall CJS was uniquely associated with depression (odds ratio [OR] = 2.32; 95% confidence interval [CI] [1.16, 4.66]) while satisfaction with the police department was uniquely associated with CG (OR = 2.14; 95% CI [1.02, 4.47]). Satisfaction with having input into the CJS process and satisfaction with efforts devoted by the CJS to apprehend the perpetrator were uniquely related to satisfaction with the overall CJS (β = .49, p = .003 and β = .40, p = .007, respectively).


2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Wool

New Orleans in 2011 finds itself facing many of the same problems New York City faced in 1961 when the founders of the Vera Institute of Justice launched the Manhattan Bail Project: Too many people are held in pretrial detention who could be released without risk to public safety; the reliance on bail results in disparate outcomes based on financial ability; and the unnecessary detention of thousands of defendants each year imposes excessive costs on the city government and taxpayers, as well as on those needlessly detained. Vera is now working with New Orleans stakeholders to develop a comprehensive pretrial services system. Following in the footsteps of the Manhattan Bail Project, the work will create a carefully conceived and locally sensitive pretrial services system, one that will result in a fairer and more efficient criminal justice system and a safer community.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document