scholarly journals "Law and Order" and the Criminal Justice System

1973 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constance Baker Motley
Author(s):  
Stuart Don

This chapter analyses the pervasive impact of the Charter on the Canadian criminal justice system. Active judicial interpretation of Charter rights has put in place distinctive constitutional standards of substantive law, including those of fault, and struck down oppressive laws for arbitrariness and overbreadth. Also examined are new standards for police powers to stop, search, detain and interrogate, fair trial rights such as the duty of full Crown disclosure, and for assessing mandatory minimum sentences. This chapter describes and welcomes a robust exclusionary discretion for evidence obtained in violation of the Charter. It is suggested that the Canadian Charter standards are no panacea and are sometimes too weak but that they have often provided a welcome balance to the expedient lure of law-and-order politics.


Author(s):  
Brett Curry ◽  
Banks Miller

The pervasiveness of their influence arguably makes prosecutors the most consequential actors in the American criminal justice system. Armed with discretion over which cases to pursue, what charges to file, and which issue areas to prioritize, prosecutors play a decisive role in determining what progresses from investigation to the courtroom. It is their charge to do justice in each case, but that obligation hardly forecloses the influence of politics on their decisions. Despite their centrality, however, prosecutors and their behavior have failed to garner even a fraction of the attention that scholars have directed toward law enforcement, correctional systems, or judges. The discretion of American prosecutors is theoretically immense; there are few formal constraints upon it. If a federal or state prosecutor declines to pursue a case that has been referred to him or her, that declination decision is essentially immune from judicial review. But these formalisms come with more practical limitations. At the federal level, United States Attorneys are appointed by the president and, therefore, are expected to carry out an administration’s general policy priorities. In the states, most district attorneys answer to the electorate, which imposes its own constraints on a prosecutor’s freedom of action. Chief prosecutors—state and federal—are simultaneously principals to their subordinates and agents of the people or the president. If those considerations were not enough, American prosecutors must be mindful of still other factors. How might their actions today impact their future career paths? What influence might legislative changes, public opinion, or judicial rulings have on how they operate? Scholarship on prosecutors has addressed some of these questions, but we still lack a good understanding of all the ways in which politics infects prosecutorial decision-making. As “progressive prosecutors”—many who are former public defenders—continue to win office, new questions will arise about how far prosecutors can push reform of the criminal justice system. A major looming question is how voters conditioned to law-and-order rhetoric will evaluate the new prosecutors. Some preliminary work shows that non-White prosecutors tend to reduce rates of incarceration, while Republican-affiliated prosecutors increase them.


Author(s):  
Stephen Farrall ◽  
Will Jennings

This chapter explores the Thatcherite legacy for crime and the criminal justice system. We argue that, despite much of Thatcher’s rhetoric on ‘law and order’, most criminal justice activity during her period in office was essentially liberal (that is, progressive) in nature. Nevertheless, the social and economic policies pursued in the early to mid-1980s were, we argue, associated with rises in the crime rate, which in turn shifted public attitudes towards crime and the treatment of offenders. Coupled with the Labour party’s shift rightwards from the early 1990s and Blair’s focus on crime as a topic Labour ‘owned’ meant that both the Conservative and Labour parties were engaged in a crime ‘arms race’ towards policies which were in tune with the Thatcherite instinct on crime.


2018 ◽  
pp. 136-161
Author(s):  
Insa Lee Koch

Chapter 5 looks at how housing estate residents interact with the police in negotiating the dangers of ‘the street’. Government policies that go tough on ‘law and order’ have focused on young people’s involvement in street-based activities, invoking a language of ‘gang crime’ and ‘gang membership’. However, this language does not easily fit with residents’ own understanding of the dangers of the ‘streets’ that encompasses both the threat of daily victimization and the failures of the criminal justice system. This chapter argues that the daily threat of serious crime alongside mistrust in the police generates seemingly contradictory responses. Residents sometimes appropriate the police as personalized tools into everyday disputes with friends, kin, and neighbours. Meanwhile, in situations of more serious threat, they tend to fall back onto informal mechanisms of policing that the state outlaws as vigilante violence. It is precisely this gap between citizens’ expectations for support and the reality of police performance that is expressed when residents show support for harsher punishment in a system that has become ‘too liberal’ and ‘soft’.


2020 ◽  
pp. 65-104
Author(s):  
Joshua Dubler ◽  
Vincent W. Lloyd

Chapter 2 tracks the way American political elites talked about justice and punishment before and during the rise of mass incarceration. The authors show how these concepts were once closely connected with the religious imagination. When that link was severed, justice was reduced to the proper functioning of the law, to a criminal justice system, and a new set of ideas and institutions promoting law and order and victims’ rights took over. The chapter demonstrates how, at the level of political rhetoric, religion—along with economics and race—was essential for promoting incarceration as the sole mechanism for effecting justice.


Author(s):  
Saheed Aderinto

This chapter discusses how the criminal justice system assumed a prime position in the policing of prostitution. By differentiating between adult and child prostitution laws, the legal system played a significant role in molding public and official perceptions toward the identity of adult and underage practitioners of prostitution and the perceived menace each type of prostitution allegedly posed. Moreover, unlike the social interpretation of sex work, the new legal regime from the early 1940s institutionalized the criminalization of transactional sex as a component of social and public order. As such, prostitution became a component of the colonial state's maintenance of law and order, which was cardinal to the effective exploitation of the colonies.


Author(s):  
David L. Sutton ◽  
Melissa Britts ◽  
Margaret Landman

TELEVISION PROGRAMMES AS LEGAL TEXTS: WHAT LAW AND ORDER TELLS US ABOUT THE AMERICAN CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM In this work, we take the perspective that although a television program is produced for the brief amusement of a mass audience, it can be viewed as having a part in the scholarly investigation of law and justice in our society. The central question we are focussing on is: What does Law & Order programme tell its audience about the American criminal justice system? According to one of the program's official web sites, Law & Order is a "realistic" television series that examines "law and order from a dual perspective." For roughly the first half-hour, the program focuses on two New York Police Department (NYPD) detectives as they "investigate crimes and apprehend law-breakers." Then the scene switches to the criminal courts, where two assistant district attorneys "work within a complicated justice system...


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 1025
Author(s):  
Matthias Olufemi Dada Ojo

Ayelala is a popular deity in the western part of Nigeria. The deity is well known for its efficacy in punishing offenders of law and order when invoked. With 52 participants, this study investigated whether Ayelala should be incorporated into Nigeria Criminal Justice and political Systems. A total of 94% of the participants agreed in one form or the other that the deity is very efficient in punishing offenders of law and order when invoked. For its inclusion in Nigeria Criminal Justice System, 54% wanted it to be included and implemented. The study, therefore, recommended that survey should be conducted in Nigerian society on whether traditional criminal justice system like Ayelala should be included in the Modern Criminal Justice System or not. If the people so desired that it should be included, government should take steps towards the implementation of the decision of the people. Other recommendations are discussed in this paper.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-32
Author(s):  
Noël K. Wolfe

The crack crisis of the 1980s and 1990s was a social and cultural tipping point with regards to race and the criminal justice system. The Northwest Bronx Community and Clergy Coalition, a ten-thousand-member, multiracial, faith-based community activist organization, was at the forefront of a local war against crack cocaine in the Bronx during the 1980s and 1990s. Their activism demonstrates that the impetus for the draconian response to crack came not only from law and order politicians but also from minority communities under siege. The Coalition demanded and aggressively lobbied for a punitive response to crack sellers and users from their own communities. These demands were made years before the passage of laws that ushered in a new age of racially discriminatory sentencing.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Ian Brown

Abstract In Britain's empire across Asia and Africa from the mid-nineteenth century, two political-legal principles were central to colonial modernity, law and order, and the rule of law. These two principles secured the legitimation of colonial rule, in the eyes of those who ruled. It is striking then to see that in late colonial Burma, in the 1920s and 1930s, the colonial government struggled to maintain law and order and to embed the rule of law. Violent crime soared while the criminal justice system failed hopelessly for serious offences. This article seeks to explore the ways in which senior British officials in Burma navigated the disjuncture between the imperial principles that were central to colonial justification and Burma's reality. Perhaps most notably, they did so by putting blame for the soaring crime rates and the failures of the criminal justice system firmly on the Burmese. In the early 1940s, however, with the end of colonial rule clearly imminent, the legitimation of the colonial presence became of less pressing importance, and the failure of colonial practice to live up to its ideological rhetoric could now be more openly faced.


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