scholarly journals Ideology based incapacity on hydropolitics in South Africa Sudáfrica: an ontological assessment

Author(s):  
Roy Jankielsohn ◽  
Rami Zahrawi Haj-Younes

The Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of hydropolitics in South Africa. The country remains one of the driest countries in the world with a below average rainfall of 450 mm per annum. The country’s economic hub in the Gauteng province is largely dependent on water from the neighbouring Kingdom of Lesotho. On a geopolitical level the country also shares various water sources with neighbouring states. This is especially relevant due to the dependence on South Africa, as the regional hegemon, for access to markets and income. However, large areas of South Africa experience extreme water scarcity due to a combination of factors that include climate change related drought, urbanisation and government-related water management failures. In many local government municipalities across the country the lack of government capacity to supply water resources and manage waste water have reached crisis proportions. Many towns and communities across South Africa have been left with unreliable access to sustainable water resources. This is mainly due to a combination of corruption, poor management and the lack of institutional capacity at local government level. The institutional incapacity of government is a result of the governing party African National Congress’ ideological approach to government, combined with political factionalism, which has stripped the civil service of expertise and led to the exodus of skilled individuals from both government and the country. The government’s implementation of the communist  ?  based Leninist democratic centralism, commonly known as a cadre deployment strategy, has resulted in large scale state capture and corruption that has had a devastating impact on the delivery of basic services such as water. Hydropolitical civil unrest has increased to an extent that, in instances such as the Majakeng and Maluti-a-Phofung municipalities, unrest became extremely violent and disrupted businesses and well as state education and health facilities. This article is an ontological investigation into the hydropolitical impact of, and ideological reasons for, state incapacity to manage water resources and deliver safe and sustainable supply of water to the population. While reference will be made to the general situation in the country, the Majakeng and Maluti-a-Phofung municipalities will be used as a case studies for the impact of water insecurity on political stability. On the other hand, the City of Cape Town’s ability to manage water scarcity and avert a drought related “day zero” scenario is used as an example of what can be achieved through sound management. The article will combine ideological considerations with theoretical explanations of ideology and state failure within a hydropolitical context in order to explain the current water crisis at local government level in South Africa and the threat that this poses to the political order in the country. Being a regional hegemon, any political disruptions in South Africa also threaten the geopolitical stability of the entire Southern African region. There remains a great deal of scope for future geopolitical co-operation around water within the Southern African Development Community that can secure a sustainable sources of future water supplies for South Africa and generate further income for the country’s neighbours. The article evaluates the current water situation in the country, explains the water related geopolitical considerations that the country has to take into account, investigates the ideological basis for government policy and institutional strategy and the impact that this has on the capacity of the state to deliver sustainable and reliable water access to local communities, and then evaluates some case studies that include both failures and a success story. This assessment includes various sources of literature that supply a theoretical conceptual basis for terms such as hydropolitics and ideology. These academic concepts provide the basis for the practical considerations that are an integral part of the ideologically ? based hydropolitical ontological assessment. The article concludes with some broad recommendations on how the country could mitigate some of the hydropolitical challenges that it faces.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. S17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Meissner ◽  
Nikki Funke ◽  
Karen Nortje ◽  
Inga Jacobs-Mata ◽  
Elliot Moyo ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Victor van Reijswoud ◽  
Arjan de Jager

E-governance is a powerful tool for bringing about change to government processes in the developing world. It operates at the crossroads between Information and Communication Technology and government processes and can be divided into three overlapping domains: e-administration, e-services and e-society. To succeed, e-governance must be firmly embedded in existing government processes; supported, both politically and technically, by the governments; and provide users with reasons to use these on-line domains. To maximize the impact, process change must be part and parcel of e-governance. This chapter presents and evaluates the ongoing DistrictNet e-governance programme in Uganda which was set up in 2002 to provide transparency at the local government level and improve the provision of public information using ICT. DistrictNet’s achievements are presented and evaluated according to the criteria of the three domains of e-governance and their impact on government processes. On the basis of this evaluation, we elicit lessons that can be used to guide smaller programmes at the local government level in the developing world.


Author(s):  
Johnson O. Olaniyi

Many state governments have not been allowing their State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs) to conduct elections as at when due but rather settle for ‘caretaker committees’. Where elections have been conducted, the party in control of a state apparatus has been known to have cleared the polls. The general objective of this study is to assess the impact of electoral contest at the local government level on the political development of Nigeria. Specific objectives include (1) assessing the role of the political executives of a state in the determination of representation at the local government level in Nigeria; and (2) assessing the activities of SIECs in the management of local government polls. This study adopts comparative cum case study approach to analysing local government polls in Nigeria. This is discussed on a geopolitical basis. Some of the findings of the study include: (1) local government election in Nigeria is not given premium position by many state governments in the political landscape of their state because of the fear of playing into the hands of their political rivals; and (2) SIECs are only independent in name and not in practice. The study recommends, among others, that (1) the country should adopt the arrangement in the aborted Third Republic where the country’s EMB was empowered to conduct all elections at all levels of government and (2) local government elections in Nigeria should key into the electoral process of the country in all ramifications.


2001 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anja Birke

Abstract In spite of its long history, reform of financial equalization at local government level has not brought the necessary improvements in efficiency. Therefore, it is surprising that the criticized West German system was transferred almost unchanged to the East German Laender in the course of reunification. Obviously the politicians were in conflict between testing new promising alternatives and preserving the calculable institutional structure. Therefore, this paper compares the financial equalization law of two Laender (Baden-Wuerttemberg and Saxony) in order to research its suitability under different socio-economic conditions. In the analysis we can clearly show the impact of socio-economic characteristics on the carrying ability of institutions, so any transferability of local financial equalization systems has to be rejected.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Richards

This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Ntsikelelo Breakfast ◽  
Itumeleng Mekoa ◽  
Nondumiso Maphazi

The idea of democracy is a curious oneand puzzling. There is reason for this;everyone talks about democracy no matter whether their views are on the left, centreor right of the political spectrum. Various politicians, regimes, whether in Africa, Europe or America claim to be democratic;yet what each says and does is usuallydifferent. Democracy as a practice is supposed to bestow rules, laws and decisions that are justifiable on democraticgrounds. Democracy also has evolved through social struggles. This article examines the practice of democracy withinthe context of local government in South Africa, and is an attempt to explore the concept of democracy without escaping other historical aspects of the idea and practice. From a methodological standpoint, this article is based on a literature assessment. Lastly and most importantly, this paper has made a scholarly contribution to the scholarship of Political Science and Public Administration with regard to the nexus between democracy and public participation at local government level in South Africa.


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