scholarly journals PATRIOTISM in the Lithuanian Language

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Marius Smetona

Patriotism as a phenomenon is not new and it has manifested itself in various ways. The roots of contemporary Lithuanian patriotism go back to the middle of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The available data from that period do not allow making any specific conclusions but it can be seen that the word patriotism was a relatively new in the beginning of the 20th c. Patriotism was best understood in the interim period between the two world wars, when an attitude started to form that own nation should not only be elevated distinguishing it from others but it is also something everybody has to be proud of. After Lithuania was incorporated into the Soviet Union, a new concept, i. e. soviet patriotism, emerged. This idea is based on internationalism, commitment to socialist order and solidarity of soviet nations. The attitude of a present-day Lithuanian to patriotism is reflected best in contemporary discourse. The issues of love for Homeland have been frequently discussed not only by political analysts or historians but also by representatives of arts and sports. Moreover, the media have frequently discussed issues, which are not characteristic of real patriotisms or even have raised some doubts about patriotism being an exaggerated phenomenon. However, comprehensive research studies on patriotism are few. The concept of patriotism has almost escaped the research focus of linguists. Therefore, an attempt will be made to bridge the gap in linguistic research analysing the data available in dictionaries, discourses and surveys. It can be stated that a contemporary individual tends to nurture the same values as people in the interim period. These embraces work for the sake of homeland and nation, concern about its future and welfare, nurturance of homeland and the mother tongue, culture and history. Loyalty, gratefulness, nostalgia to homeland, attachment to the land of their birth, honesty, courage, freedom, responsibility and pride are assigned to patriotism. Patriotism implies defence of own country in the hour of peril. This is particularly emphasised in the historical discourse, where defence of own country is one of the prevailing motives, and in the surveys of students. Contemporary discourse allocates less attention to this issue. Patriotism is related to acknowledgement of the country’s mistakes, promoting its name and celebration of public holidays. Patriotism can hardly be imagined without knowledge of the national history, culture, its heroes and prominent figures. The data from both discourses and surveys allow claiming that patriotism is perceived as a feeling or feelings, an inner state or a value. In fact, it can be stated that though patriotism is not an old concept, which replaced such concepts as ethnicity and love for homeland, the view of patriotism, which formed at the end of the 19th c. and in the beginning of the 20th c., has remained the same up to now.

Author(s):  
Konrad Kuczara

Relations between the Ukrainian Church and Constantinople were difficult. This goes back as far as 988, when the Christianisation of the Rus created a strong alliance between Kiev and the Byzantine Empire. There were times when Constantinople had no influence over the Kiev Metropolis. During the Mongolian invasion in 1240, the Ukranian region was broken up and Kiev lost its power. The headquarters of the Kiev Metropolis were first moved to Wlodzimierz nad Klazma in 1299 and then to Moscow in1325. In 1458 the Metropolis of Kiev was divided into two; Kiev and Moscow, but Kiev still remained under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Since that time, the orthodox hierarchs of Moscow no longer adhered to the title Bishop of Kiev and the whole of Rus and in 1588 the Patriarchate of Moscow was founded. In 1596 when  the Union of Brest was formed,  the orthodox church of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth was not liquidated. Instead it was formally revived in 1620 and in 1632 it was officially recognized by king Wladyslaw Waza. In 1686 the Metropolis of Kiev which until that time was under the Patriarchate of Constantinople was handed over to the jurisdiction of Moscow. It was tsarist diplomats that bribed the Ottoman Sultan of the time to force the Patriarchate to issue a decree giving Moscow jurisdiction over the Metropolis of Kiev. In the beginning of the 19th century, Kiev lost its Metropolitan status and became a regular diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church. Only in the beginning of the 20thcentury, during the time of the Ukrainian revolution were efforts made to create an independent Church of Ukraine. In 1919 the autocephaly was announced, but the Patriarchate of Constantinople did not recognize it. . The structure of this Church was soon to be liquidated and it was restored again after the second world war at the time when Hitler occupied the Ukraine. In 1992, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, when Ukraine gained its independence, the Metropolitan of Kiev requested that the Orthodox Church of Ukraine becomes autocephalous but his request was rejected by the Patriarchate of Moscow. Until 2018 the Patriarchate of Kiev and the autocephalous Church remained unrecognized and thus considered schismatic. In 2018 the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople looked  into the matter and on 5thJanuary 2019, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine received it’s tomos of autocephaly from Constantinople. The Patriarchate of Moscow opposed the decision of Constantinople and as a result refused to perform a common Eucharist with the new Church of Ukraine and with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Heldur Sander

AbstractThis paper explores the history of age detection of trees, especially the age history of oak trees, throughout two centuries in Estonia. It was already in the beginning of the 19th century when relations between the size and age of oaks in northern Latvia (previous Livonian province) were described. The paper explains how the species concept of Quercus robur developed over time in the past and points out discussions on the existence of two varieties Q. robur L. var. tardiflora Czern and Q. robur L. var. praecox Czern. It also states that thanks to the use of the increment borer, the first dendrochronological studies were carried out in Estonia in the 1920s. Dendrochronological research in the Soviet Union began in the 1950s with Lithuania being the leading country in the field headed by Teodaras Bitvinskas. In Estonia, research was continued in the 1960s until now. The paper takes a look at the life of Mart Rohtla who introduced the method of determining tree age according to tree bark, presents his standpoints on oaks and critically assesses these. A comparative assessment is given on the ages of oak and lime trees found according to the tree-ring method and bark increment method. The great ages of the oaks and limes found by applying the bark increments method are doubted and considered unreliable. However, the age of the surface layers of the bark of oaks and limes needs clarification in the future.


Author(s):  
Юрий Николаевич Квашнин ◽  
Гульсифа Такиюлловна Бакиева

В статье рассматриваются проблемы сохранения сибирскими татарами родного языка на современном этапе исторического развития. В кратком обзоре представлены этапы изучения сибирскотатарского языка от начала XIX до начала XXI в. На основе общеизвестных источников и литературы показано, что этноним татары, которым называются разные по происхождению этнические общности Поволжья, Приуралья и Западной Сибири, является псевдоэтнонимом. Он был введён в качестве самоназвания поволжских тюрок казанским мусульманским просветителем Ш. Марджани, а в советское время стал точкой опоры для создания нового литературного языка и включения его в образовательные программы всех «татарских» школ Советского союза. При этом не учитывалось, что сибирские татары являются самостоятельным этносом, со своими уникальными языком и культурой. Основным выводом статьи является утверждение, что сегодня сибирские татары поставлены перед непростым выбором – сохранить или потерять родной язык. Сохранения языка на уровне семьи явно недостаточно. Поэтому необходимо его преподавание в школах, пропаганда в средствах массовой информации, выпуск художественной литературы на нём. Первые методические наработки в виде граматики, фонетики, графики, словарей, а также литературные произведения уже имеются. Можно вводить изучение сибирскотатарскоко языка факультативно в национальных школах и на специальных курсах при городских Центрах сибирскотатарской культуры. В настоящее время работа по сохранению сибирскотатарского языка и культуры проводится только энтузиастами. Поддержки на уровне администрации она не получает. Опираясь на старые, проверенные временем программы и методические разработки по татарскому языку и литературе, руководители органов управления образованием не видят необходимости для перехода на изучение сибирскотатарского языка и развивающейся сибирскотатарской литературы. На наш взгляд, дальнейшее игнорирование существующей проблемы повлечёт за собой усиление маргинализации сибирских татар Тюменской области и постепенной утрате ими самоидентификации. The article deals with the problems of preservation of their native language by the Siberian Tatars at the present stage of historical development. The brief overview presents the stages of studying the Siberian Tatar language from the beginning of the 19th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Based on commonly known sources and literature, it is shown that the ethnonym Tatars, which refers to ethnic communities of different origins in the Volga region, the Urals and Western Siberia, is a pseudo-ethnonym. It was introduced as the self-name of the Volga Turks by the Kazan Muslim educator Sh. Mardzhani, and in Soviet times it became a fulcrum for the creation of a new literary language and its inclusion in the educational programs of all “Tatar” schools of the Soviet Union. At the same time, it was not taken into account that Siberian Tatars are an independent ethnic group, with their own unique language and culture. The main conclusion of the article is that today Siberian Tatars face a difficult choice – to keep or to lose their native language. Preserving the language at the family level is clearly not enough. Therefore, it is necessary to teach it in schools, propagate it in the media, and publish fiction in it. The first methodological developments in the form of grammar, phonetics, graphics, dictionaries, as well as literary works are already available. It is possible to introduce the study of the Siberian Tatar language as an option in national schools and in special courses at the city Centers of Siberian Tatar culture. At present, the work to preserve the Siberian Tatar language and culture is carried out only by enthusiasts. It does not receive support at the administration level. Relying on the old, time-tested programs and methodological developments in the Tatar language and literature, the heads of education authorities do not see the need for studying the Siberian Tatar language and developing Siberian Tatar literature. In our opinion, further ignoring of the existing problem will entail increased marginalization of the Siberian Tatars of the Tyumen region and their gradual loss of self-identification.


2020 ◽  
Vol 955 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
A.V. Nikonov ◽  
T.V. Vashchalova ◽  
E.I. Dolgov ◽  
S.V. Sergeev

On the eve of the 75th anniversary of the victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic war, the events of it continue to live in people’s memory, and its veterans are still the best examples of patriotism and true serving the Motherland. It seems relevant to take a look at the events of the first days of the war with the eyes of their witnesses. The authors describe the events of June and July 1941, presented in the memoirs of the militaries who served in the Red Army Military topographic service, and performed topographic works in the border zone in a significant separation from their military units and staffs. On the basis of the collected material the authors show the participation of topographic units in the fighting of the first days of the war, provide the data on the losses of the Red Army Military topographic service in the starting period of the war. The article is devoted to the memory of the officers and soldiers, who selflessly did their duty in the beginning of the Great Patriotic war.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (s1) ◽  
pp. 893-911
Author(s):  
Ilgar Seyidov

AbstractDuring the Soviet period, the media served as one of the main propagandist tools of the authoritarian regime, using a standardized and monotype media system across the Soviet Republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, 15 countries became independent. The transition from Soviet communism to capitalism has led to the reconstruction of economic, socio-cultural, and political systems. One of the most affected institutions in post-Soviet countries was the media. Media have played a supportive role during rough times, when there was, on the one hand, the struggle for liberation and sovereignty, and, on the other hand, the need for nation building. It has been almost 30 years since the Soviet Republics achieved independence, yet the media have not been freed from political control and continue to serve as ideological apparatuses of authoritarian regimes in post-Soviet countries. Freedom of speech and independent media are still under threat. The current study focuses on media use in Azerbaijan, one of the under-researched post-Soviet countries. The interviews for this study were conducted with 40 participants living in Nakhichevan and Baku. In-depth, semi-structured interview techniques were used as research method. Findings are discussed under six main themes in the conclusion.


Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-160
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Antoshin ◽  
Dmitry L. Strovsky

The article analyzes the features of Soviet emigration and repatriation in the second half of the 1960s through the early 1970s, when for the first time after a long period of time, and as a result of political agreements between the USSR and the USA, hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews were able to leave the Soviet Union for good and settle in the United States and Israel. Our attention is focused not only on the history of this issue and the overall political situation of that time, but mainly on the peculiarities of this issue coverage by the leading American printed media. The reference to the media as the main empirical source of this study allows not only perceiving the topic of emigration and repatriation in more detail, but also seeing the regularities of the political ‘face’ of the American press of that time. This study enables us to expand the usual framework of knowledge of emigration against the background of its historical and cultural development in the 20th century.


Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.


1981 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Zimmerman ◽  
Robert Axelrod

This study systematically identifies the Soviet lessons of Vietnam as presented in eleven Soviet newspapers (specialized and regional as well as the central papers) and eight journals. Altogether, 1,585 citations were coded, representing more than 70 different lessons. A predominant finding is that the most common lessons the Soviet Union learned from Vietnam differed from their American counterparts: the Soviet lessons would not have warned the leadership about the dangers of military intervention in Afghanistan. A left/right scale was constructed, based on such issue clusters as why the communists won in Vietnam, the nature of imperialism, and the implications of Soviet policy in the Third World. Substantial variation was found among the media examined, many of which are linked to specific Soviet institutions. The implication is that Soviet foreign policy is contingent upon individual choices, institutional interplay, and changing contexts. This, in turn, suggests that Western policy makers should not lose sight of their capacity to influence the Soviet policy dialogue, and hence Soviet policy choices.


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