The humanitarian aspect of the strategic partnership between Vietnam and Russia

The Article is devoted to the humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Vietnam in 1991-2019. Currently, Russia and Vietnam are united by the desire to structure the regional subsystem through joint participation in economic integration and strengthening the security system in the Asia-Pacific region. In this regard, the question of how Russia and Vietnam build bilateral relations, characterized as a comprehensive strategic partnership, is becoming more and more relevant. The most interesting is the humanitarian aspect of relations, since in the modern realities of globalization, in addition to the military and economic aspects of bilateral interaction between States that claim a significant role in the system of international relations, it is humanitarian imperatives that acquire special significance. By promoting their national culture in the partner country and developing bilateral ties in the fields of education, science, information, sports and tourism, the countries strengthen their bilateral relations, which allows them to coordinate their actions more confidently and realize their national interests at the global and regional levels. The purpose of the article is to identify trends in Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian relations in 1991-2019. To achieve this goal, an analysis of the legal framework of humanitarian relations between Russia and Vietnam was conducted, as well as the content of humanitarian relations between the two countries in the field of education, culture and humanitarian contacts. The authors considered the significance of the studied segment of bilateral relations in the national political and expert-analytical discourses of Russia and Vietnam. The article notes the existence of historical and organizational potential necessary for implementation in the Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian dialogue. The authors conclude that the humanitarian aspect plays an important role, since it is an integral part of bilateral relations and a promising component of the implementation of national interests.

New Stage in the Geopolitical Struggle around the Caspian Sea after 1991

For almost three centuries, starting with the campaign of Peter the Great in 1721-1722, Russia has traditionally played a key role in the Caspian Sea. The situation changed dramatically with the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the emergence of three new regional players-Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. For Russia, this meant a significant reduction in influence in the region and the loss of control over most of the water area and the sea and its resources. In the historiography devoted to the region, the emphasis is placed on assessing the new round of geopolitical struggle, the position and interests of Western and regional powers. The author of this article provides a critical analysis of changes in Russian policy towards the Caspian Sea over the past 30 years and assesses the effectiveness of these changes. The difficult transition from the role of a dominant player in a region closed to external competitors to an open geopolitical confrontation over resources, their transportation routes, and political influence at the first stage was not in favor of Russia. Russia could not defend the principle of a condominium for joint development of hydrocarbon resources of the sea. With the active assistance of Western competitors, Russia lost its status as a monopoly transit country for oil and gas from the region. At the same time, thanks to diplomatic efforts and increased political dialogue with its neighbors in the region, Russia managed to resolve all territorial issues at sea by 2003, maintain the closed status of the sea for the military forces of third countries, and by 2018 complete work on the Convention on the international legal status of the sea, which established the principles of cooperation in the region that are important for the Russian Federation. Thus, official Moscow managed to achieve the strategic goals adapted after the collapse of the USSR by using the traditional strengths of its foreign policy and consolidate its status as the most influential player in the region.

G. Roerich’s contribution to history of Russian expeditions in Central Asia

The study of G. Roerichs scientific heritage is at its beginning. An important basis of Roerichs many-sided scientific activities were his investigations during the expeditions in Asia. The longest, most dangerous and laborious among them was the Central Asiatic expedition of his father - N.K. Roerich. The goal of this article is to examine G.N. Roerichs activities on every stage of the Central Asiatic expedition, as well as G.N. Roerichs works, publishing the results of the expedition research. G.N. Roerich presented the basic results in his monograph Trails to Inmost Asia: Five years of exploration with the Roerich Central Asian Expedition published in English in USA in 1931. Roerichs description of North and Central Tibet is unique because the theocratic state in Tibet and nomad tribes, which Roerich had observed, are no more existing. Roerichs field investigations continued the historical tradition of Russian expeditions in Central Asia. It extended our scientific knowledge about the insufficiently known regions in Asia.

The situation of Syrian Christians in the context of the Arab Spring events

The article is based on the information published in foreign and Russian sources and media, as well as on the basis of the authors own research and interviews carried out in Syria. The aim of the work is to study the situation of Syrian Christians after the events of the Arab Spring-2011. This is the scientific novelty of the topic. The article is devoted to the problems that not only touched, but most dramatically affected the life of Christians in Syria, who traditionally presented at least 12% of its population (and much more in the past). They are representatives of the most indigenous religion in the Syrian Arab Republic (SAR). The work also traces the role of Christians in the history and socio-political life of Syria, analyzes their current situation, evaluates the events of recent years and draws appropriate conclusions. In particular, the author believes that the Arab Spring led not only to huge human and economic losses, but also to serious ethno-confessional structural changes in the society of the SAR. With the possible disappearance of this native part of the Syrian population, who lived here and represented almost all the inhabitants of that region before the Islam, the republic may lose not only 12 percent of the most educated and active part of its population, but also its tourist attractiveness in the eyes of the whole world. Although Syria has always been considered the cradle of Christianity it could lose its reputation as one of the most tolerant countries of the Arab world.

The goals of the Mongol invaders according to European sources of the middle of the XIII century. Part 1

The middle of the XIII century - the apogee of power of the unified Mongol Empire. In 1241-1242, the first, bloodiest and most destructive Mongol invasion into Europe took place. Certainly, it was vital for the Europeans to find an answer to the question: what did the invaders want, what goals did they pursue? In this article, the author shows that, due to the abundance of contradictory information and the acute lack of an objective understanding of the new enemy at first, European political and ecclesiastical figures attributed many goals to the Mongols (at least eighteen!), of which only three were fully confirmed - an attack on Russia, Poland, and Hungary, and the rest were either not realized for some reason, or arose in minds of the Europeans themselves. All these goals, identified in various official and unofficial European sources, mainly dating from the middle of the XIII century, are discussed here taking into account information from synchronous Eastern sources. Despite well-known ideas of a world-building monarchy, perhaps actually hatched by the Mongol khans, events in Europe suggest that their main goal there was to punish the Hungarian king Bela IV, who refused to hand over the Polovtsians hiding in Hungary to the Mongols.

The domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals under Justin Trudeau in 2015-2020: achievements and challenges

The key idea of this article is that, for the first time, on the example of the domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals, led by Justin Trudeau, we discuss the problems and prospects of Canadian Liberalism. The recent defeat of the Conservative Party of Canada in the 2019 parliamentary elections gave the impression that only the Liberal Party contributes to the prosperity of the modern Canadian state. The closest attention to the activities of the Liberal Party allows us to identify its absolute advantages and corresponding shortcomings. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze and investigate both the indisputable advantages and current shortcomings of the Liberal Party in power, and against this background to determine the effectiveness, or vice versa, the incompetence of Canadian liberalism as a political ideology. At the same time, according to the author, it is necessary to separate objective and subjective factors associated with the presence of liberals in power. The objective ones are related to how the Liberals program settings meet the needs of the time, while the subjective ones characterize how an individual, and, above all, the party leader, implements the partys requests and the electorates hopes. In this regard, the reputation of its leader is of crucial importance. On the basis of the considered source base, and, first of all, the electoral programs of Liberals under Trudeau, since coming to power in 2015. In the first part of the article, the author presents a comparative analysis of the results of the liberals in the parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2019, explaining the reasons for the victory of the latter, and obtaining, respectively, a parliamentary majority, and then a minority. The second part of the article is devoted directly to the aspects of the domestic and foreign policy of the Liberals in 2015-2020. The author comes to the conclusion that the Canadian liberalism, implemented by Justin Trudeau is currently the leading political ideology that unites a significant part of the electorate.

Religious policy of Sultan Abdul-Hamid II in the Syrian vilayets of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1909): methods and symbols

The author examines the religious and political course of the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876-1909), aimed at strengthening the unity of the Ottoman state and society based on the principles of Islam, and the implementation of this strategy in the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The research is based on reports of contemporaries, as well as research works in Russian and English. Particular attention is paid to the strategic role of Ottoman Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the context of strengthening the religious authority of the Sultan as the caliph of all Muslims and recruiting prominent ideologues and supporters of Islamic traditionalism from the Syrian vilayets to serve the Sultan. The author especially examines the role of wo representatives of the Muslim intellectual elite: the Sufi sheikh Abu-l-Huda al-Sayyadi as a close associate of the Sultan who provided patronage to the conservative ulama, as well as Ahmad Izzet Pasha al-Abid, who became the main inspirer of the Hejaz Railway. The article also reveals the features of the state policy towards religious minorities (both Muslim and non-Muslim) and migration processes in the Syrian provinces. With the weakening of the international positions of the Ottoman Empire and the strengthening of foreign interference, Syria set an example of relatively successful modernization based on Islamic tradition. At the same time, confessional identity continued to dominate over ethnicity, and the emerging feelings of Arab and Syrian patriotism did not conflict with the principle of Islamic unity of the subjects of the Sultan-Caliph.

Ainu in modern Japanese society: the problem of returning the remains of ancestors

The article is devoted to the issue of repatriation of Ainu ancestral remains, collected by Japanese researchers in the second half of the 19th - 20th centuries. It is the most crucial current issue for many Ainu people who are trying to regain the language, the distinct culture, and identity. The article analyzes the positions of the Japanese Government, the Hokkaido Ainu Association and Ainu rights activist groups and movements. The article examines the contradictions that arose in Japanese society concerning the process of repatriation. Discussions in Japanese society during this problem were analyzed, and its significance for the Ainu communities is revealed. It was found that the discussions mainly arise in connection with the idea of transferring the remains to the memorial hall located in Symbolic Spaces for Ethnic Harmony, which was opened in July 2020. Research also showed that the problem under study is largely related to limitations in ethnic policy implementation and realization of indigenous peoples rights in Japan. In addition, the process of repatriation of Ainu ancestral remains is compounded by the lack of unity of the Ainu as a community. Therefore, reaching agreement between the government, the academic community, and critical Ainu rights activist groups proved extremely difficult. However, it was concluded that there is a potential to resolve the issue and consensus could be reached in the near future.

Ethnic and confessional factor in the Arab countries of the Eastern Mediterranean

The article analyzes the role of ethno-confessional factor in the social and political life of two Eastern Mediterranean Arab countries - Lebanon and Syria. It is emphasized that ethnic and confessional diversity in combination with cultural and civilizational specifics predetermines the peculiarities of political processes in the countries and their foreign policy orientations. The authors note the tendency of wide involvement of various ethnic and confessional groups in political processes. The authors come to the conclusion about significance of ethnic and confessional factors in the development of traditional societies in the Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Lebanon. The ethno-confessional factor can both consolidate and mobilize society, as well as increase the potential for conflict and complicate the settlement process in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries of the region.

The process of formation of the Kyrgyz state in the era of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane in the works of Askar Akayev

The article is dedicated to the process of formation of the Kyrgyz statehood in the era of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane studied in the works of A.A. Akaev. A.A. Akaevs approach as a researcher is characterized by scrupulous analysis, warmth and careful attitude to the formation of the Kyrgyz nation. A.A. Akaev identified the period from the XIII to the XV Century as ambiguous, complex, as the time of the Kyrgyz opposition to external expansion, especially hard to experience after the times Of the great power of the IX century. The Chingiz Era radically changed the life of the peoples of Eurasia, including the Kyrgyz ethnic group. Being a time of tragic struggle for independence, this era at the same time strengthened the centripetal tendencies of Kyrgyz statehood, which culminated in the formation of specific features of national unity in 1508 during the time of Muhammad-Kyrgyz. This is the historical conclusion that A. Akaev brings the reader to.