scholarly journals THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AND INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LGBT RIGHTS: HOW DID ATTITUDES TOWARDS LGBT PEOPLE CHANGE IN UKRAINE AFTER EUROMAIDAN?

Author(s):  
OLEKSII SHESTAKOVSKI ◽  
MAKSYM KASIANCZUK ◽  
OLESIA TROFYMENKO

The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them. But has this backlash (if it really happened) entailed a corresponding change in public opinion on LGBT issues? Surprisingly, the dynamics of public attitudes towards the LGBT community and their rights remain unexplored. The paper proposes to fill this gap by a comparative analysis of two cross-sectional surveys on this topic, which were conducted before (in 2013) and after (in 2016) the Revolution of Dignity in several regions of Ukraine. Within the framework of the study, three research questions have been posed: 1. Have Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community changed since Euromaidan? 2. How different (e. g. positive) were the attitudes towards LGBT people among Euromaidan supporters? 3. Have the events that happened after the Revolution of Dignity, such as Russia is hybrid war against Ukraine, been able to affect attitudes towards LGBT rights? The results show that there have been modest, albeit statistically significant positive changes in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community since Euromaidan. However, practically no change in terms of support for LGBT rights has been recorded. Our findings are consistent with other relevant nationally representative surveys according to which public perception of LGBT individuals has not worsened. This fact suggests that the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights has not faced any backlash, at least from the general population. Other data in our study indicate that not all proponents of the Revolution of Dignity displayed favourable attitudes towards LGBT people; nevertheless, they held more positive views on the LGBT community and same-sex marriage than those who did not take part in Euromaidan. The respondents who have experienced the impact of the Donbas conflict also demonstrated relatively better attitudes to LGBT individuals and expressed support for their rights. Still, this may be linked to a significant percentage of Euromaidan participants among them.

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dušan Leška

Abstract The aim of the study is to analyse the Europeanisation of Slovak political parties in the various stages of the transition and transformation of the political system of Slovakia before and after the entry into the European Union. Methodologically, the paper is based on the concept of Ladrech, who divided five areas of research to suit the study of the impact of the Europeanisation on political parties and their politics. Visible can be changes in political programmes, organisational changes, a formula of party competition, relations between parties and government, relations beyond the national party system (a new look at transnational cooperation between political parties). Our research proved that the Europeanisation has been visible at all stages of development, with varying degrees of intensity and in various forms since the signing of the association agreement with the European Union. Its effect was important already in the stage of the society transition when it helped the return of Slovakia on the path of democratic development. In the two stages of development, Europeanisation created an individual line of cleavage of political parties, affected the rivalry of political parties, and thus a party system model. Unambiguously, it was reflected in political programmes of all parties, and an important role was played by the incorporation of political parties in the European political parties, by their cooperation and coordination of their policies. The election in the European Parliament was an important turning point in completion of programme orientations of political parties.


Author(s):  
Gaga Gabrichidze

This chapter scrutinizes perception of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) by the Georgian courts and the Georgian Competition Agency. With the conclusion of the Association Agreement between the EU and Georgia in 2014, the Georgian legal system undoubtedly became more closely connected with EU law. Hence, approximation commitments under the Association Agreement made the case law of the CJEU of much more relevance for the Georgian courts and administrative authorities. However, in the wake of intensification of EU–Georgia relations, the impact of CJEU case law can be identified even in the time before conclusion of the Association Agreement. Analysis shows that several factors play a role with regard to the extent and frequency of mentioning CJEU case law in the decisions of the Georgian courts and Competition Agency. Judges refer to case law of the CJEU with the aim of either strengthening their own arguments or using it as a source of interpretation. Taking into consideration the ‘European’ roots of Georgia’s competition policy, the Competition Agency regards the case law of the CJEU as having a very important interpretative value for closing ‘gaps’ in the law.


Author(s):  
Arie Reich

This chapter presents the findings of the author on the impact of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on the Israeli legal system. After a short description of the Israeli legal system and its judiciary, including figures on the use of foreign legal sources by the courts, the chapter describes briefly the relations between the EU and Israel and notes the weak legal approximation provision in the Association Agreement. Despite the lack of obligation on Israel’s part to rely on CJEU judgments, the author has found steadily growing numbers of citations of these judgments by various Israeli courts and tribunals. The chapter presents the statistics of these citations over the years, the types of tribunals that cite the CJEU, and the fields of law where these citations are mostly found (mainly in trade marks, competition law, and labour law). It also lists the CJEU cases that are most cited by Israeli tribunals. It then assesses the impact of the citations by a coding system that allows us to observe the relative influence that the citations had in the various tribunals. After having presented a statistic overview on the citation patterns, the chapter zooms into some specific cases where the CJEU was cited in order to put the citation into context and better understand its significance. Finally, the chapter discusses instances of CJEU impact on Israeli regulation, not case law, namely in the field of competition law, sports (the Bosman case), and privacy (‘the right to be forgotten’).


2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-364
Author(s):  
Stevan Rapaic ◽  
Dragana Dabic

From the past experience, most governments conclude that it is necessary to carry out carefully planned foreign trade policy based on a high degree of liberalization dosed with government control. This kind of foreign trade policy is being implemented both by Serbia and by the European Union, which established the Common Trade Policy (CTP) in 1957. Bearing in mind that Serbia has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement striving to become a full member of the European Union, it is clear that, in due course, its foreign trade policy must be in line with the European one. This is not an easy task, because parallel to the process of accession to the EU, Serbia is conducting negotiations on accession to the World Trade Organization and those two processes are intertwined and connected. This paper analyses Serbia?s process of accession to the European Union and the impact of this process on its foreign trade policy as well as the future of its foreign trade relations with previous major partners.


Author(s):  
Abdullah Nawafleh

Jordan and the EU have developed a strong relationship on several levels. This relationship has been strengthened by the signing of the Association Agreement which forms the legal basis of the relations between the EU and Jordan. Further, the Agreement established a mechanism for cooperation to harmonize legislation between the EU and Jordan. The EU has supported Jordan to enhance the effectiveness and independence of the judiciary, including judicial training and the modernization of Jordan’s court system. This chapter examines the external impact of the CJEU on Jordan judges. The research shows that despite the strong relationship between the EU and Jordan, CJEU decisions have not been cited or influenced Jordanian judges’ decisions.


Author(s):  
S.O. Yakubovskiy ◽  
◽  
V.I. Seleznov ◽  

This article assesses the impact of the association agreement with the European Union on Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova. The monetization index is the ratio of the money supply of the M2 aggregate to the GDP of the studied economy. The consumer price index reflects the change in the value of a certain consumer basket. This index is the ratio of the money supply of the M2 aggregate to the GDP of the analyzed economy. The article substantiates the expediency of using such particular indicators due to their monthly update and lower susceptibility to artificial manipulation. For each country, two specific time periods were selected, before and after the entry into force of the association agreement with the European Union. The time intervals were chosen to exclude abnormal events that could affect the accuracy and objectivity of the study. The data obtained were reduced to a general form through econometric transformations. For the selected time intervals, using vector autoregression and the Granger causality test, the dependences of the analyzed indicators of each country on such indicators of the euro area were determined. The dependence coefficients of the Granger causality test were compared for the time periods before and after the association agreement for each country. Based on the transformed monetization index and consumer price index, conclusions were drawn regarding the change in the degree of mutual influence of the European Union economy on the economies of the countries represented. The conclusions analyze the possible reasons for the data obtained, as well as compare the geographical and economic conditions of each country in the context of the results of the study. The impact of the association agreement with the European Union on the overall economic dependence of Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova on the European Union has been assessed. The countries actively participate in European integration. The study builds an understanding of the depth of integration of each country, as well as analyzes the dynamics of its change in recent periods.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (59) ◽  
pp. 106-118
Author(s):  
Carolina Pavese

Globalização e liberalização comercial têm consequências abrangentes para o emprego, segurança do trabalho, meio ambiente, levando a processos com impactos de gênero desiguais. Partindo de uma abordagem feminista, este artigo analisa o potencial impacto do último Acordo UE-Mercosul na desigualdade de gênero. Esta pesquisa realiza um estudo de caso qualitativo com foco no Mercosul, onde as mulheres enfrentam já fortes desigualdades econômicas estruturais. Este artigo argumenta que a adoção de uma abordagem de integração de gênero é essencial para a promoção de um instrumento comercial inter-regional que contribua com o empoderamento econômico das mulheres. As principais conclusões revelam que os setores afetados pela liberalização do comércio são sensíveis à participação feminina. Ainda assim, a análise mostrou que o texto negociado é cego no que tange às oportunidades e desafios que a liberalização do comércio inter-regional representa para homens e mulheres, pelo menos no caso do Mercosul. Como o documento está pendente de ratificação, ele pode ser modificado. Portanto, a UE e o Mercosul ainda poderiam adotar disposições que considerem o impacto desigual de gênero do acordo, fortalecendo a igualdade de gênero no Sul global.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (513) ◽  
pp. 14-21
Author(s):  
O. V. Kuklin ◽  
◽  
R. F. Pustoviit ◽  
M. Y. Kryvoruchko ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is concerned with an analysis of Ukraine’s European integration challenges, which are considered from the position of the effectiveness of foreign trade, as well as in light of the institutional challenges of the European integration course. According to the results of research, both the dynamics and the structure of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the EU Member States, the CIS and Asia countries are analyzed. It is defined that the focus on the European Union market prevented domestic exporters from reaching the pre-crisis levels of 2013. The resource nature of the national exports to the EU is underlined. The high level of interdependence in the sphere of foreign trade relations with former partners of Ukraine in the CIS – the Russian Federation and Belarus, especially in the field of imports of fuel and energy resources, and export of nuclear reactors, boilers, machines, railway locomotives, products of inorganic chemistry, is emphasized. It is determined that Ukraine’s implementation of the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement is at a low level of 43%. The authors characterize the main tendencies in Europe as to the quality of life of the population on the basis of two indicators - the proportion of households that barely make ends meet (Bulgaria, Greece, Croatia, Cyprus, Portugal, Romania), and have unsatisfactory living conditions (Cyprus, Latvia, Hungary, Portugal, Slovenia) - the values of which are much higher compared to the average level in the EU. The general conclusion on the ambiguity of the issue of the effectiveness of the national economy’s orientedness toward the market of the European Union has been drawn. The need to take into account the multi-vector nature of the modern globalized world in the process of researching the impact of European integration on the economic development of Ukraine is reasoned.


Author(s):  
Stelios Stavridis ◽  
Charalambos Tsardanidis

The Republic of Cyprus (or Cyprus) joined the European Union (EU) in May 2004 and adopted the single currency (the euro) in 2008. This article consists of three parts: it begins with a historical contextualization, explaining the reasons for Cyprus’ application for an Association Agreement with the (then) European Economic Community (EEC), and also examining the latter´s reaction and policy towards the 1974 Turkish invasion following a failed coup d´état against the Makarios Presidency that has led to a divided island since then (Part 1). In brief, what is known as the “Cyprus Problem.” This part also looks at the evolution of the Association Agreement during the period since 1975 which ended with the conclusion of a customs union Agreement between Cyprus and the European Community in 1987. The article next turns to an analysis of the Republic of Cyprus´ EU accession negotiations process (Part 2). It also covers the impact (or lack thereof) of various reunification plans, and most notably what is seen as the culmination of such efforts in the so-called 2002–2004 Annan Plans. The following section presents an assessment of how Cyprus has fared as a member state since it joined the EU (Part 3). It covers several key questions regarding the EU–Cyprus relationship. Whereas this article is not about the Cyprus problem itself, but as will be made clear throughout this study, it remains the dominant issue for the island. Others issues encompass EU relations with the Turkish-Cypriot community, the question of Turkey´s EU accession, the impact of the economic crisis of 2013, as well as energy security considerations following the discovery of gas in the region. The study concludes that being in the EU offers better perspectives for the Republic of Cyprus than if it had been kept outside it. If only because as the Accession Treaty makes it clear: it is the whole island that has joined the EU albeit the acquis communautaire cannot apply to the north, occupied, part of the Island following the invasion by Turkey. But all Cypriots are EU citizens. Yet, to a large extent, the experience of Cyprus prior to and after EU membership also reflects the kind of specific problems that a “small state” is facing in its international relations.


Author(s):  
A Uzhva ◽  
S Belinska ◽  
N Rudenko

Purpose. Developing trends for increasing the effectiveness of environmental tax as an institutional means of environmental protection and optimization of the tax burden. Methodology. A set of scientific methods and approaches was used in the research, which provided an opportunity to form a conceptually integrated scientific work. For this purpose, the following was used: content analysis method to study the regulatory framework of the environmental tax; abstract-logical approach to analyze the differences between the revenues of the environmental tax to the budget and the amount of funds planned and funds spent on environmental protection; integrated system approach to compare environmental taxation in the European Union and Ukraine; method of logical generalization to make proposals on how to increase the efficiency of the environmental tax, optimize the tax burden and align with Ukraines international obligations. Findings. A comparative analysis of environmental taxation in the European Union and Ukraine is conducted. The existing differences by types of environmental tax, the share of these types in the total amount of environmental tax and the purpose of environmental taxation in European countries and Ukraine are indicated. The dynamics of ecological tax revenues to the State budget and budget expenditures for environmental protection is studied. Trends in the dynamics of taxation, in particular, in creating a gap between revenues and expenditures are established. There is a tendency to form a significant gap in the amounts of environmental tax paid by enterprises. It is stated that only ten enterprises pay more than half of the countrys environmental tax. Originality. The necessity of formation of the role of ecological taxes stimulating preservation of the environment is pointed out and particular directions of formation of such incentives are offered. Proposals for environmental tax policy have been developed. It is stated that the increase in the environmental tax should be consistent with the overall tax burden per capita. Increasing the environmental tax also requires a preliminary detailed analysis of how the impact of its increase will affect each large enterprise and industry and determination of approaches to increasing the environmental tax differentiated according to transparent principles. Practical value. Recommendations are provided on how to increase the efficiency of the environmental tax as an institutional means of environmental protection, specific steps are proposed to optimize the tax burden and promote the norms approved by the Paris Climate Agreement and the Association Agreement with the EU.


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