Cyprus and the European Union

Author(s):  
Stelios Stavridis ◽  
Charalambos Tsardanidis

The Republic of Cyprus (or Cyprus) joined the European Union (EU) in May 2004 and adopted the single currency (the euro) in 2008. This article consists of three parts: it begins with a historical contextualization, explaining the reasons for Cyprus’ application for an Association Agreement with the (then) European Economic Community (EEC), and also examining the latter´s reaction and policy towards the 1974 Turkish invasion following a failed coup d´état against the Makarios Presidency that has led to a divided island since then (Part 1). In brief, what is known as the “Cyprus Problem.” This part also looks at the evolution of the Association Agreement during the period since 1975 which ended with the conclusion of a customs union Agreement between Cyprus and the European Community in 1987. The article next turns to an analysis of the Republic of Cyprus´ EU accession negotiations process (Part 2). It also covers the impact (or lack thereof) of various reunification plans, and most notably what is seen as the culmination of such efforts in the so-called 2002–2004 Annan Plans. The following section presents an assessment of how Cyprus has fared as a member state since it joined the EU (Part 3). It covers several key questions regarding the EU–Cyprus relationship. Whereas this article is not about the Cyprus problem itself, but as will be made clear throughout this study, it remains the dominant issue for the island. Others issues encompass EU relations with the Turkish-Cypriot community, the question of Turkey´s EU accession, the impact of the economic crisis of 2013, as well as energy security considerations following the discovery of gas in the region. The study concludes that being in the EU offers better perspectives for the Republic of Cyprus than if it had been kept outside it. If only because as the Accession Treaty makes it clear: it is the whole island that has joined the EU albeit the acquis communautaire cannot apply to the north, occupied, part of the Island following the invasion by Turkey. But all Cypriots are EU citizens. Yet, to a large extent, the experience of Cyprus prior to and after EU membership also reflects the kind of specific problems that a “small state” is facing in its international relations.

Author(s):  
Halyna Melnychuk

This article presents important steps and achievements accomplished by the Republic of Moldova towards integration, by analysing its collaboration with the European Union.  The development of relations with the EU is the priority goal that Moldova strives for, which means not only economic, but also political and cultural integration.  The first steps of the Republic of Moldova towards the EU were encouraging.  After years of isolation, this process was difficult and required a lot of efforts.  This is due to many reasons, the most important of which are Russia's political and economic pressure, theunresolved issue in Transnistria, the ideological and geopolitical schisms of the population, some of which see their future with Russia, and the other part with Europe.  Despite the existing problems, cooperation with the EU has yielded tangible results: the EU-Moldova Association Agreement has been signed, the visa regime has been abolished and financial support for the socioeconomic and public sectors is provided.  Moldova, for its part, is making great efforts to form a single political, economic and cultural educational space with the EU, which supports its efforts in the process of European integration.  Its speed and success largely depend on the country itself, its economic and political development.  A strong statepolicymaking aimed at strengthening reforms and stimulating the transition to a market economy in accordance with the international principles is inherent in the future development of Moldova. Keywords: Republic of Moldova, European Union,European Integration, foreign policy, Transniestrian conflict


2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (No. 3) ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
A. Kotevska ◽  
D. Dimitrievski ◽  
E. Erjavec

The Republic of Macedonia is in the process of integrating into the European Union (EU) and adjusting its policies through reforms in policy, regulations and institutions. This paper attempts to provide an answer to the question: what would be the impact on the Macedonian livestock, dairy and grain sectors of Macedonia integrating into the EU. In order to forecast the impact of the EU accession, the research uses the partial equilibrium model as a comprehensive tool for modelling the complex nature of the agricultural markets. The model simulation foresees the changes of the modelled sub-sectors in production, net-trade and income. The baseline scenario predicts a positive development for almost all selected commodities, with the exception of the beef sector, which is highly uncompetitive prior to the accession. Three EU accession scenarios foresee positive developments in the beef, lamb and cow’s milk markets, while a negative development is expected in the pig meat and grains markets.  


Author(s):  
Ana Krstic ◽  
Predrag Mimovic

The acquisition of full membership for the Republic of Serbia in the European Union depends on a large number of factors. The combined and synergistic effect of these factors has made the process of Serbia's accession to the European Union extremely uncertain in terms of date and final outcome. The new reality, including the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. isolationist policies during President Trump's tenure, the strengthening of China and Russia, and Britain's exit from the EU, has made this process even more uncertain. In this context, it is crucial to identify and prioritize key factors that affect or could affect the process of Serbia's accession to the European Union, in order to evaluate the possible outcomes of this process. To solve problems of this level of complexity and uncertainty, it is necessary to apply an interdisciplinary approach of the appropriate level of complexity. Therefore, this paper is an extension of previous research (Krstic et al, 2018; Mimovic et al, 2019) based on the defined research goal, but incorporates a complex, network model called theAnalytical Network Process, which included new circumstances that determine what is colloquially called the new reality. All calculations in the paper were performed using the software package SuperDecisions as computer support for the Analytical Network Process.


2016 ◽  
pp. 30-46
Author(s):  
Jakub Lachert

The fundamental thesis of this paper is that the European Union has, at its disposal, economic and political tools to resolve conflict in Transnistria. The EU Association Agreement signed with the Republic of Moldova is an important instrument which could be used to reintegrate Transnistria with Moldova. In the long term, the flourishing Moldavian economy associated with the EU might prove a more attractive alternative for Tiraspol than dependence on unpredictable Russia. However, Russia continues to play an important part in the efforts to solve the conflict.


Author(s):  
Gaga Gabrichidze

This chapter scrutinizes perception of the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) by the Georgian courts and the Georgian Competition Agency. With the conclusion of the Association Agreement between the EU and Georgia in 2014, the Georgian legal system undoubtedly became more closely connected with EU law. Hence, approximation commitments under the Association Agreement made the case law of the CJEU of much more relevance for the Georgian courts and administrative authorities. However, in the wake of intensification of EU–Georgia relations, the impact of CJEU case law can be identified even in the time before conclusion of the Association Agreement. Analysis shows that several factors play a role with regard to the extent and frequency of mentioning CJEU case law in the decisions of the Georgian courts and Competition Agency. Judges refer to case law of the CJEU with the aim of either strengthening their own arguments or using it as a source of interpretation. Taking into consideration the ‘European’ roots of Georgia’s competition policy, the Competition Agency regards the case law of the CJEU as having a very important interpretative value for closing ‘gaps’ in the law.


2015 ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Maciej Herbut

The Turkish Armed Forces have played a key role in politics since the establishment of the republic in 1923. Despite the thorny relations between the civilian and military elites, the process of European integration played an extremely important role in bringing the country on a path of democratic reforms. Both opposing sides, namely the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Military (TSK), in the context of the ongoing process of European integration and a relatively high societal support for Turkey’s EU accession, seemed to accept more conciliatory approaches to each other (2001–2006). Unfortunately, starting from 2006, along with the rise of euroscepticism among Turks and the loosening of ties with the EU, the AKP and TSK adopted more antagonistic stances towards each other. The European Union and its institutions, which also influence constitutional changes in Turkey, therefore create an extremely important international context for democratisation.


Author(s):  
M. Y. Vardazaryan

The article studies the problems of foreign policy orientations of the Republic of Armenia, first of all those concerning "Russian" and "European" integration processes. Particularly, the main stages and peculiarities of Armenia's cooperation with the EU are presented. The author reflects upon the issue of the essence of the status and perspectives of associated membership in the EU. Revealing the difficulties within the EU and on the CIS territory, the author analyzes the capabilities of Armenia to combine, on the one hand, economic integration with the West and, on the other, military-political integration with the East. The article identifies the reasons of "freezing" Armenian-Russian relations in early 2013. Examining the perspectives of the Association Agreement with the EU and of membership in the Customs Union and taking into account the complex geopolitical situation in the region, analyzing all the facets of Armenia's economic and political collaboration both with the EU and RF, the author comes to the conclusion that Yerevan's choice of September 35 3,2013 is expedient and justified. Deepened strategic cooperation with Moscow, first of all, provides military and energy security of Armenia, although the economic factor shouldn't be underestimated. The author draws attention to the fact that Armenia's involvement in the Customs Union avails it the opportunity to keep collaborating with the European Union, however, from a more powerful position, which we have already witnessed through the alterations in the tone of some European officials.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-53
Author(s):  
JOVANKA KUVEKALOVIĆ-STAMATOVIĆ ◽  
VANJA GLIŠIN

From the moment of its establishment, EUFOR Chad/Central African Republic was a specific military operation, not only from the perspective of the European Union, but the host countries as well. Mutual skepticism emerged already in the first phase of the decision-making process, when the preliminary assessments of its success and implementation were quite pessimistic. The lack of agreement among the EU Member States regarding conducting an intervention conditioned additional efforts of France, as the main initiator, to fulfil its ambitions through the decisions of Common Security and Defense Policy, thus securing its strategic position on the African continent. Equally pronounced critical blade in Chad was also covered up, having in mind that the inevitable fragmentation of ideas was avoided through a one-sided decision passed by the current political leadership. The other specificity is reflected in the fact that, based on numerous parameters, EUFOR Chad/CAR operation was assessed as the biggest intervention of the European Union conducted so far. Despite operative, logistical and financial difficulties that postponed implementation of the mandate, the operation was concluded on March 15, 2009. The logical question emerging regarding the previously stated characteristics is whether they impacted the defining of the mandate, the dynamics of its implementation and the final result of EUFOR Chad/CAR operation? The basic assumption which is the starting point for the authors of this paper states that the pronounced specificities echoed in the form of politization of the mandate and the military management of the Darfur crisis as direct motives of the operation. The lack of political mechanisms supporting the military action in conflict solution concurrently contributed to militarization of crisis management of the EU. The affirmative argument of the previously expressed statements is the impact of permanent shortages to the consistency and effectiveness of the results of EUFOR. An additional insight is expressed in the consent of the host country, the Republic of Chad, which was, in this concrete case, driven by strategic interests and strengthening of the authoritarian rule.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-296
Author(s):  
Maja Gavrilović ◽  
Dragana Radenković Jocić

Abstract The negotiation act between Serbia and the European Union began on the basis of Article 49 of the EU Contract. The act and development of negotiations will be led by Serbia’s progress in the accession preparation, especially within the frame of economic and social convergence. The progress will be measured especially in meeting the Copenhagen criteria, as well as the requirements defined by the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Also, the accession implies accepting the institutional framework of the Union, known as acquis. Acquis special importance for Serbia as a candidate country have regarding economic issues and its jurisdiction. In this sense, it is of great importance to have an overview of facts presented in the paper, which relate to certain economic categories, primarily the movement of Gross domestic product and rate of (un)employment, as well as the steps that Serbia took on their way to the Union.


Author(s):  
Abdullah Nawafleh

Jordan and the EU have developed a strong relationship on several levels. This relationship has been strengthened by the signing of the Association Agreement which forms the legal basis of the relations between the EU and Jordan. Further, the Agreement established a mechanism for cooperation to harmonize legislation between the EU and Jordan. The EU has supported Jordan to enhance the effectiveness and independence of the judiciary, including judicial training and the modernization of Jordan’s court system. This chapter examines the external impact of the CJEU on Jordan judges. The research shows that despite the strong relationship between the EU and Jordan, CJEU decisions have not been cited or influenced Jordanian judges’ decisions.


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