scholarly journals United Nations in the Current Crisis of the World Order (To the 75th Anniversary of the UN)

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-89
Author(s):  
S. Vidnianskyi ◽  
◽  
A. Martynov ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Franceschet

The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.


Author(s):  
A. Walter Dorn

This article discusses the United Nations and its peacekeeping intelligence. The United Nations has become a player in the global intelligence game. Given the inability of the UN to live up to its peace and security ideals, the disinclination of nations to share intelligence with it, the ad hoc nature of its responses to global crises, and its reluctance to consider itself as an intelligence-gathering organization, the UN's increasing involvement in the global intelligence came as a surprise. However, the UN has privileged access to many of the world's conflict zones, through its peacekeeping operations (PKOs). Its uniformed and civilian personnel serve as the eyes and the ears of the world in many hotspots. They report the latest developments at the frontiers of the world order and in the midst of civil war. In previous years, the UN relied heavily on overt surveillance through overt human intelligence. It employed direct monitoring and direct observation. Although human intelligence has helped resolved conflicts, overt human intelligence is not sufficient. With the new mandate and the difficult and dangerous environment of many PKOs during the Cold War, the United Nations was forced to change and reform its approach to intelligence. The UN is now including imagery intelligence (IMINT) and signals intelligence (SIGINT) in their approach to intelligence and is currently developing intelligence structures within its missions. Topics discussed in this article include: case studies of peacekeeping operations of the UN in countries with conflict such as Korea, Namibia, and Congo; monitoring technologies of the institution; and intelligence cycle of UN.


Author(s):  
Or Rosenboim

This chapter concludes that the book has shown that the mid-century globalist discourse was distinctly political: visions of world order sought to adapt political ideas like democracy, liberty, pluralism, and empire to the changing perceptions of the spatial conditions of the world. It has examined how proponents of globalism such as Lionel Robbins, Michael Polanyi, and Friedrich A. Hayek increasingly perceived liberty as a universal entitlement. The chapter ties together the various theoretical and historical narratives of global thought in the 1940s and offers some reflections on the decline of the globalist ideology at the end of the decade, along with its omnipresent return at the end of the twentieth century. It considers how some of the seeds sown in the mid-century debates about globalism developed eventually into institutions, organizations, and political movements, a classic example of which is the United Nations.


1979 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Robert Muller

Nothing is more refreshing to the Christian than to learn of highly-placed leaders in the United Nations whose approach to the complexities of today's world is informed by the spiritual dimension of human existence. UN official Robert Muller speaks to the possibility for nations to resolve even their most acute differences through patient and respectful dialogic encounter.


2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-609
Author(s):  
Alberto Santos

Entering the 21st century, the question facing mankind is whether we will be able to find, agree upon and activate solutions adequate to resolve world problems which have plagued the 20th century and which increasingly threaten the 21 st. The central argument presented here is that it is only by taking concrete steps at the world level that we can hope to reduce or eliminate the threat to survival which these problems represent. In order to provide a framework from which prospects for the future of the world organization can be analysed, the "world order" perspective is compared with a more traditional perspective. The challenges that world problems and crises pose for the world organization are examined. Using the fundamental changes undergone by both the League of Nations and the United Nations as an historical basis for scrutinizing the future, the changes that increasingly complex problems may force on the world organization are explored. Changes such as a "reinforced United Nations" (without delegation of sovereignty), a "World Authority" (with partial delegation of sovereignty) or a "World Government" (with major delegation of sovereignty) are evaluated in terms of the world organization' s ability to handle potential world crises and problems. The conclusion establishes that there is a pressing need for immediate political action which would aim towards a coalition of all groups researching solutions to world problems and would be based on the "world order" ideology of the majority rather than the "world-oriented" ideology of a self-interested minority.


2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslava Filipovic

Since the onset of the current crisis, numerous intergovernmental organizations made declarations and plans, but only national packages were implemented to minimize adverse effects to real (national) economies. Despite the fact that capital markets have long ago become increasingly complex with a multitude of actors, a state-level approach remains firmly in place. This paper aims to present political responses to the crisis, identifying how politicians envision the future of capital markets and the world economy. The financial crisis might have been a direct motive to start a global political interplay regarding regulation, but it was also a unique opportunity for numerous actors to start pressing for their own agenda vis-?-vis the global economic and political order. Reviewing the responses of several of the most prominent actors on the scene may contribute to understanding how close the world is to having a new financial - or even economic - structure on the global level.


Author(s):  
O. Krasivskyi ◽  
P. Petrovskyi

Problem setting. The coronavirus pandemic has spread across the planet, not only affecting the health of the population and the world’s medical system but also disrupting the global information space, economy and all other spheres of human life. Both domestic and foreign policies of states are changing. Success in overcoming the pandemic and its economic consequences is affecting security and polarization within societies. The pandemic leads to enhancing public power and strengthening nationalism, the intensification of rivalry between great powers, and strategic disunity. In this context, the paper objective is to consider authoritarian and democratic approaches to solving the problems of the current crisis. Recent research and publications analysis. The general scientific and scientific-journalistic literature has not yet created a generalized work on the socio-economic and political consequences caused by the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic. However, some views caused by global crises are noted in the studies of J. Vynokurov, L. Kolinets, O. Nevmerzhytska, A. Petryk, and others. Ukrainian and foreign philosophers, political scientists, publicists A. Baumaster, O. Koval, R. Sushchenko, S. Walt, V. Katasonov, K. Mahbubani, J. Nai, Y. N. Harari expressed their reflections on the future development of the world after the pandemic. The famous American thinker F. Fukuyama notes that after a long crisis, the world will eventually be renewed and democracy will be strengthened.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The history of mankind is inseparable from the accompanying constant crises that have shaken societies and states. The peculiarity of modern crises is their unpredictability and globality. Due to the lack of effective crisis prevention mechanisms, inefficient functioning of international financial institutions, the presence of mass financial speculation and the virtualization of the world economy, favourable conditions are created for the spread and generation of crisis phenomena in the world. So far, there is no generally accepted view of the likely consequences of crises for the world’s economies, and thus unpredictable socio-political changes. Paper main body. The Covid-19 pandemic has become the world’s largest global crisis since the Great Depression. Its depth and scale are enormous. As a result, it is capable of surpassing the Great Recession of 2008 – 2009. Thus, only in the second quarter of 2020, the economy of the Eurozone countries fell by more than 12%. There is a record drop in GDP, world trade is declining. The pandemic is projected to increase poverty, with more than half of those in Africa. The peculiarity of the new crisis is not only that it creates unprecedented uncertainty, but also that it destroys entire sectors of the economy, including tourism, transport and even energy.The Coronavirus pandemic can cause significant changes not only in the economic but also in the political, social and cultural spheres. A protracted epidemic, combined with huge job losses, a protracted recession and a debt burden, could create tensions that will escalate into a political reaction. Nationalism, isolationism, xenophobia and attacks on the liberal world order may intensify. As the COVID-19 crisis spreads, it discredits traditional politics and public institutions, which are perceived by the general public as a systemic failure, and democracy is replaced by populism and the rhetoric of radicalism.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The crisis of the coronavirus has a significant impact on all spheres of society, causing negative consequences in the economy, health care and socio-political relations. There are growing populism, nationalism and authoritarianism, which increases the likelihood of social and international conflicts. That is why it became topical to defend the opposite concepts of further development of political systems of societies - to join forces to overcome the common threat, international cooperation, exchange of information, support for democratic values.


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