THE PEDIATRICIAN AND THE PUBLIC

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1951 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-566

IN COMMON with most medical schools on this Continent at the beginning of the present century, the subject of paediatrics was a very minor one and often nonexistent in the medical curriculum of Canadian medical schools. With the increasing influence of the European and American developments, pioneer work in Canada in the field of children's medicine and surgery was carried forward until lectures were given to final year medical students, and through a gradual process of demonstration and obvious need the courses have been enlarged until they now embrace subject matter which is generally used in most paediatric departments. Canadian medical schools have gradually developed independent departments of paediatrics and today only one department is still within Internal Medicine. Canadian paediatric departments and children's hospitals have kept pace with developments in the United States, Great Britain and Europe, by a constant interchange of graduate and postgraduate students. This commenced in centres in Germany and Europe and extended to Great Britain and the United States. In the early days of paediatrics as a specialty in Canada a small group of physicians engaged in teaching as well as practice formed the Canadian Society for the Study of Diseases of Children. They met annually for the presentation of scientific papers and for interchange of ideas.

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Daniela Bandelli

AbstractThis chapter discusses the origin, spirit, objectives and methodology of this study on the surrogacy international debate. The aim of this study is to explain the politics of signification on surrogacy carried out especially by the women’s movement, verifying how it is contributing to the public discourse and policies on the subject, how it is being organized, as well as dividing, and how the proposed instances fit into global discourses and are recontextualized on the basis of social specificities. These aims are pursued through three case studies in the United States, Mexico and Italy. The key concepts of the theoretical framework of the research will also be described in this chapter, such as: the women’s movement, diagnostic and prognostic frames.


Author(s):  
Marc DiPaolo

Examines case studies of fictional heroes as analogues of real-life working-class figures to encourage greater empathy between members of different classes. Doing so will help scholar, undergraduate, and fan readers understand the very contemporary context of America through the lens of fictional characters who are understandably resonant with a broad swath of the public during this politically divided time. The essays in this anthology contemplate the social anxieties that attend class conflict in the United States and Great Britain, and consider how fictional comic book narratives depict these cultural anxieties.


Throughout the twentieth century, folk music has had many definitions and incarnations in the United States and Great Britain. The public has been most aware of its commercial substance and appeal, with the focus on recording artists and their repertoires, but there has been so much more, including a political agenda, folklore theories, grassroots styles, regional promoters, and discussions on what musical forms—blues, hillbilly, gospel, Anglo-Saxon, pop, singer-songwriters, instrumental and/or vocal, international—should be included. These contrasting and conflicting interpretations were particularly evident during the 1950s. This chapter begins by focusing on Alan Lomax (1915–2002), one of the most active folk music collectors, radio promoters, and organizers during the 1940s. Lomax had a major influence on folk music in both the United States and Great Britain, tying together what had come before and what would follow. The chapter then discusses folk festivals and performers; British folk music, musicians, and trans-Atlantic musical connections; and Carl Sandburg's publication of the The American Songbag in 1927.


1995 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 479-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
J D Smith ◽  
H R Glick

Through theories of agenda setting and innovation, the origin, development, and enactment of right-to-die policy in four Western nations—the United States, the Netherlands, Germany, and Great Britain—are examined. Different social and government structures produced varied right-to-die politics in each of these countries, although similar issues received more emphasis in Europe. However, it is discovered that policy entrepreneurs, organizations, and governments are important in similar ways in moving the issue from the public to the governmental agenda and to policy innovations in each country. The paper is concluded with a discussion of elements to be included in a model of agenda setting and innovation and with a proposal for the application of theory to a wider range of policies.


1917 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238
Author(s):  
Carlos Castro-Ruiz

The Monroe Doctrine has been the subject of much discussion by American and European publicists, and their estimates have been widely different, ranging from those who consider it the principle which has maintained the territorial integrity of this continent for nearly a century to those who deny to it any real influence in the preservation of the nations which emerged into independent life during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Both concepts are, in my judgment, exaggerated. To accept the first judgment would be to ignore and to forget the failure of the United States to assert the doctrine on three different occasions when it was flagrantly violated: the occupation of the Falkland Islands by Great Britain in 1843, islands which were regarded by the Argentine Republic as national property; the military intervention of France in the Republics of the River Platte in 1838, an intervention repeated in conjunction with Great Britain in 1845; and the occupation of the Chincha Islands by Spain in 1865. The attitude of the government of the United States is readily explained when one recalls the fact that the Monroe Doctrine had not become a real factor in world politics until the naval and military strength of the United States had given to that country the position of a great power. Before that time the doctrine was nothing more than a happy formulation of an aspiration deeply felt by the American nations which had on several occasions prior to the celebrated message of 1823 proclaimed the same idea.


1955 ◽  
Vol 59 (530) ◽  
pp. 127-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. L. Edwards

Some five years ago the author was privileged to deliver a Section Lecture to the Royal Aeronautical Society on the subject of reheat. The present paper attempts to summarise the problems which now arise and to give some idea of the progress which has been made in the intervening years.In 1949, reheat was in its infancy in Great Britain. A certain amount of progress had been made in the United States but the information from that source was scanty and vague. Tests at the National Gas Turbine Establishment (N.G.T.E.) had given some engine data but this was in the nature of preliminary information only and was by no means complete. In fact the majority of the problems which now beset us were then completely unknown or were considered unimportant. The N.G.T.E. work was valuable, however, in that it demonstrated the practicability of reheat, although at the time the comments of many who saw this and other schemes in operation were somewhat sceptical and definitely unflattering.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 727-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemil Bilsel

It will be remembered that notes were exchanged between the United States, Great Britain, Soviet Kussia, and the Republic of Turkey on the subject of the Turkish Straits which it was desired during the Potsdam talks to link with the general problem of peace. It is our intention to discuss the problem of the Straits in the light of these notes.


1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 970-975
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

With the military defeat of Germany now assured, it becomes imperative to complete plans for occupation of the country. There is apparent agreement among the United Nations that Germany must be occupied; but, although much work has been done on the subject, by both the military and political branches of the several Allied Governments, to date we have not had any general policy directives from the heads of the three great powers, namely, Russia, Great Britain, and the United States. Presumably, at the Teheran conference Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin came to a preliminary meeting of minds with reference to the various aspects of the war against Germany. At the second Quebec conference, it may reasonably be assumed that the President and Mr. Churchill, keeping in close contact with the Soviet leader, finally came to some definite agreement regarding the measures necessary to encompass the complete defeat and occupation of Germany.It has been generally agreed all around that Germany must be occupied by the troops of the Allied Nations, but many of the specific details of such an occupation have not yet been thought through. When we speak of the occupation of Germany, we must first of all define exactly what we mean by the term Germany. It is expected that “Germany” will be understood to cover only those territories included within the Republic prior to Hitler's accession to power. It might be better to agree that the boundaries shall be understood to be those of January 1, 1932.


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